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Alaska lawmakers roll out draft compromise tax cut bill for the proposed AKLNG gas line

By: Corinne Smith, Alaska Beacon

Conference committee members include House Speaker Rep. Bryce Edgmon, I-Dillingham, Reps. Calvin Schrage, I-Anchorage, Justin Ruffridge, R-Soldotna, and Sens. Bert Stedman, R-Sitka, Lyman Hoffman, D-Bethel, and Mike Cronk, R-Tok, who unveiled a draft compromise bill for the proposed AKLNG gas line project on July 2, 2026. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)

House and Senate conference committee members unveiled a draft compromise bill on Thursday for the proposed Alaska LNG gas line project, pledging that debate, input and revisions will continue on the state tax break legislation up until a floor vote scheduled for July 16. 

“We know we have more work to do,” said House Speaker Rep. Bryce Edgmon, I-Dillingham, following the committee hearing. “It’s a complex topic, and our goal today was to first get through the working draft that had, we thought, a lot of areas of compromise between, you know, sort of all the partners involved in crafting the bill.”

The six member conference committee is tasked with negotiating a compromise bill from the versions of House Bill 381, which was passed by the House and Senate in a special session in June

Amid high political pressure, lawmakers are now in a second special session called by Gov. Mike Dunleavy to hammer out a state tax proposal that is workable for both the state and the project developer, Glenfarne, which owns 75% of the project. Glenfarne executives say the multibillion dollar tax break is essential to the project’s economics — and that it must come before the company determines a final investment decision with investors.GET THE MORNING HEADLINES.SUBSCRIBE

Dunleavy and members of the House and Senate have taken decidedly different approaches to the size and scope of the state tax break for the proposed project. The project would be built in two phases — first, an 807-mile gas line from the North Slope to Cook Inlet, then  gas treatment facilities on the North Slope and on the Kenai Peninsula to export gas internationally.

One of the most fiercely debated provisions in the draft compromise is a proposal to apply the state’s corporate income tax to privately-owned oil and gas companies that currently do not pay them. The provision is favored by some lawmakers and was included in the version of the bill passed by the Senate. But Dunleavy has called the tax a “poison pill” and pledged to veto any bill that includes it. Legislative leaders say they will revisit the topic and expect to make changes to the draft.

Edmon called the corporate tax provision the “elephant in the room” and said further negotiation will continue after the holiday weekend. “I’m really looking forward to after this period of what I would call percolation that we come back and make further changes to the bill,” he said. 

Rep. Calvin Schrage, I-Anchorage, who chairs the conference committee, said its members will continue hearing input on the draft bill from relevant groups, and many provisions will be further debated and revised.

“We’re going to continue that work, see how far apart the goal posts are, and do what it takes to try and bring those together,” he said. “And again, ultimately arrive with a bill on the floor that we think can be successful, and give this project a chance.”

House Speaker Rep. Bryce Edgmon, I-Dillingham speaks during conference committee discussions on a new draft compromise bill for the proposed AKLNG gas line on July 2, 2026. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)
House Speaker Rep. Bryce Edgmon, I-Dillingham, speaks during conference committee discussions on a new draft compromise bill for the proposed AKLNG gas line on July 2, 2026. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)

A spokesperson for Dunleavy said his office is reviewing the new draft bill, called a committee substitute, or CS, and repeated the governor’s objections to the corporate income tax provision, known as the S corporation tax, which was included in the draft bill on Thursday.

“Our initial take on the CS is that while it appears to address several of the harmful provisions for the gasline, it still contains the S corp tax that the governor and the developer have said will hurt the project’s ability to secure financing,” said Jeff Turner, Dunleavy’s communications director in an email. 

In the draft compromise bill unveiled Thursday, legislators are offering a significant tax break that would replace the state’s property tax with a volumetric tax on the gas flowing through the gas line after five years, or when the gas flow reaches 500 million cubic feet per day, whichever comes first. The plan includes gradual tax increases over time as gas flows from the North Slope. 

Lawmakers have proposed extending a deadline for construction to be completed on the gas line and phase one from 2032 to December 31, 2034. The provision allows the Commissioner of Revenue to review the tax deal if there are unforeseen delays outside of the developer’s control like severe weather or litigation.

The draft bill requires the gas price cap for Alaskans to rise with inflation at the national inflation rate, rather than Alaskan inflation rate, and the increase may not exceed 3% annually. It requires a variety of reporting requirements for labor agreements, filings with federal oversight agencies and construction updates on a public dashboard. 

Another provision requires Glenfarne and developers to disclose their investment agreements with foreign companies investing in the project. It requires notice of any “significant changes” in the project’s ownership structure, defined as changes in entities holding more than 5% ownership interest of the gas line or 10% of the gas treatment plants. 

“We’d like transparency and forthright information on who’s involved in this project and who owns a piece of that pipeline that’s dividing our state down the middle,” Schrage said. 

The draft also contains a provision that prohibits the project developer from seeking payment from the state if the project is abandoned, and requires the developer to return all shares and assets to the state within six months in such a case. The issue was spotlighted by reporting on a confidential draft agreement between Glenfarne and the Alaska Gasline Development Corp. that under some conditions, the state could be ordered to pay in order to take the project back.  

“It’s very important that if the state is going to offer tax concessions, that those concessions not then be leveraged against the state for a payout to the project developer,” Schrage said. “In the event that this project goes awry and the developer tries to exit, we don’t want to pay them for our concessions.”

Rep. Justin Ruffridge, R-Soldotna raises concerns about the local contribution provision for municipalities and required payments for school districts during discussions on the draft tax bill for the proposed AKLNG gas line project on July 2, 2026. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)
Rep. Justin Ruffridge, R-Soldotna, raises concerns about the local contribution provision for municipalities and required payments for school districts during discussions on the draft tax bill for the proposed AKLNG gas line project on July 2, 2026. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)

Rep. Justin Ruffridge, R-Soldotna, raised questions and objections to a provision around how much municipalities’ gas line tax revenue would apply to their school funding formula, known as the local contribution. According to a legislative memo, the Kenai Peninsula would be required to contribute millions more to its school district beginning in 2034.

Ruffridge, a member of the all-Republican House minority caucus, said it was one of several provisions he objects to and cautioned the committee against “putting additional barriers” up for the project.

“We’re seeking maximum government take. I think in here we’ve asked the question, ‘How much can we extract from this project?’ And I think we’ve missed the fact that we are asking potentially to put on the line jobs, cheap energy and potentially a boon to Alaska’s economy in the form of revenue,” he said. 

He said the proposal needs more work.

Several members of the House Republican minority flew down to Juneau this week to raise objections to the conference committee process and urge swift action on the bill. A full vote on a compromise bill was tentatively scheduled for Wednesday, but postponed. Technical House floor sessions were canceled on Wednesday and Thursday, to avoid what House Speaker Edgmon called “political hijinks or theatrics.”

House Minority Leader Rep. DeLena Johnson, R-Palmer, and Reps. Dan Saddler, R-Eagle River, and Garrett Nelson R-Sutton were among the Republican minority members that traveled to Juneau to encourage urgency on the bill, and attended the conference committee hearing on July 2, 2026. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)
House Minority Leader Rep. DeLena Johnson, R-Palmer, and Reps. Dan Saddler, R-Eagle River, and Garrett Nelson, R-Sutton, were among the Republican minority members that traveled to Juneau to encourage urgency on the bill, and attended the conference committee hearing on July 2, 2026. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)

“There’s no time for games, and as the presiding officer, I’m not going to play games like this,” he said.

Edgmon said the committee has been deliberating with legislative attorneys, finance officials, various related departments and project developers in a process that would normally take years. 

Rep. Donna Mears, D-Anchorage and a member of the House Resources Committee, also attended the conference committee hearing on Thursday and said rushing the process is not in the best interest of the Legislature or Alaskans. She said hammering out a compromise bill that will be approved by a majority of legislators and by the governor is an enormous task. 

“Trying to rush through is not feasible. We’re making a lot of big changes, and the details matter,” she said. “And the process today wasn’t obstructionist, it was moving along and making progress, and even without big huge policy decisions, there’s a lot of little things that need to get ironed out.”

Lawmakers said they are tentatively planning for the compromise bill to go before the House and Senate for a full vote on Thursday, July 16. The special session is scheduled to end on July 19. 

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Following Budget Reductions, New Hours and Donation for the Juneau-Douglas City Museum 

CBJ- Beginning Friday, July 10, the Juneau-Douglas City Museum will be open Wednesdays through Saturdays from 11 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. This transition to new hours comes after the City and Borough of Juneau (CBJ) Assembly made the difficult decision to reduce the museum’s funding by two positions due to declining municipal revenue. Since the fiscal year 2027 municipal budget was adopted, the City Manager’s Office, the Juneau Public Libraries Director, and museum staff have been actively working to support the museum’s transition.  

The Juneau-Douglas City Museum has received a one-time, non-expiring $45,000 donation from Norwegian Cruise Line to support the museum’s summer operational hours. The donation, a result of Mayor Beth Weldon’s outreach to support the museum’s fiscal and operational transition, will fund the hiring of seasonal museum attendants, a role that has supported the museum’s open hours in summers past. 

Like other city facilities, the Juneau-Douglas City Museum will be closed Friday, July 3 through Sunday, July 5 in observation of the Independence Day holiday. After the holiday, the museum is hosting a free author talk with Patrick Bringley on Friday, July 10 at the UAS Egan Lecture Hall that the public is welcome to join. 

CBJ appreciates the community’s patience and desire to support the museum during this transition. The Juneau-Douglas City Museum has an active volunteer base, and if you would like to lend your support, contact Catherine Melville at Catherine.Melville@juneau.org.   

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Statewide prevention initiative aims to combat Alaska’s high rates of child sexual abuse

By: Corinne Smith, Alaska Beacon

Student backpacks seen on the first day of school at Harborview Elementary School in Juneau on Aug. 15, 2025 (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)

Content warning: This story contains references to sexual violence and abuse of children.

A new statewide initiative aims to prevent and reduce Alaska’s pervasively high rates of child sexual abuse.

The statewide prevention plan is led by the Alaska Children’s Trust, a non-profit advocacy group focused on supporting children and families and preventing child abuse and neglect. 

Trevor Storrs, the president and CEO of the Alaska Children’s Trust, said a coordinated effort among state and community groups, service providers, schools, caregivers and youth is needed to make serious strides in intervening and preventing abuse. 

“We should not expect children to fight off these predators. We want them equipped with the tools, but it’s our job, not just as adults, but as a community and society, to make sure kids are safe,” he said. 

If you or someone you know has experienced sexual abuse or are healing from a crisis, resources are available: 

The plan was developed last year with a variety of statewide groups, including representatives from Child Advocacy Centers, the Alaska Department of Education and Early Development, the Office of Children’s Services, which runs the state’s foster care system, law enforcement, Tribes, health care providers, lived experience experts, faith communities, and the Alaska Network on Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault. 

Storrs said the plan focuses on education and raising awareness, as well as preventing harm by developing and strengthening institutions so that questionable behavior is identified and stopped. 

“If we don’t keep strong boundaries established, that’s when we start opening the door and predators see their opportunity,” he said. “If we keep those strong and not have those potential openings, it actually prevents the predators from ever accessing, or anybody who’s had even a slight inclination —  they’re not being tempted to even try — and that is what our job is.”

The group launched the plan earlier this month and is providing an initial $100,000 in grant funding for prevention work in the three priority areas outlined by the initiative. Nonprofit organizations, tribes, local or state governments, schools and regional attendance areas are invited to apply by July 17. 

Alaska has some of the highest rates of sexual violence and rates of child abuse, neglect, and child sexual abuse, in the nation. Many victims delay or never report abuse. A U.S. Department of Health and Human Services’ Child Maltreatment report published this year noted reports of child abuse and neglect have declined somewhat since 2020, but Alaska rates in 2024 were 80% above the nationwide average.

Nationwide, American Indian and Alaska Native children have the highest rates of victimization, and in Alaska national data from the maltreatment report shows rates of abuse among American Indian or Alaska Native children are nearly three times higher than the overall statewide average.

The Alaska Children’s Trust cites a national survey by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention from 2013 to 2015 that showed on average one in five Alaska children experience sexual abuse. A 2023 report from the Alaska Children’s Justice Act Task Force showed that an estimated one in seven children will experience an allegation of sexual abuse before their 12th birthday.

“The majority of child abuse and neglect cases that are substantiated are neglect, then it’s physical, and then it’s a small fraction of child sexual abuse,” Storrs said. But sexual abuse can have severe impacts on a child’s development, according to the CDC, with short and long term effects, including chronic health conditions, mental health issues and even post-traumatic stress disorder, or PTSD. 

Child sexual abuse is defined as any sexual activity between a child and adult or a child and another child that the child does not fully understand, does not consent to or is not developmentally prepared for and therefore cannot consent to. In Alaska, lawmakers this year changed the law to raise the age of consent to 18 years old.  

An estimated 90% of child sexual abuse is perpetrated by someone known to the child or the child’s family, according to the CDC. 

Perpetrators can exploit what Storrs calls “natural trust” to get close to a child, including people in positions like a coach, teacher, religious leader or friend of the family, in a pattern of behavior called grooming.

“Grooming is developing that relationship, developing a trust with the family that the child can be left alone with them,” Storrs said. “The trust with the child where their interactions may feel awkward, but are okay. The trust that it’s okay to keep secrets. They really build that trust and build that relationship that then allows them to abuse the child, to do what they do. And you see that in story after story when you talk to a survivor of child sexual abuse, they talk about the relationship.” 

Storrs says addressing the stigma to intervene when behavior is inappropriate, also means implementing proper protocols for adults interacting with kids. He said for example, coaches should not text youth individually, but include parents in all communications. 

That extends to online safety, he said. Nationally, there are increasing rates of predatory behavior and “sextortion,” a form of blackmail where perpetrators threaten to disclose information or images unless the victims make specific demands. Storrs said caregivers should talk with children and youth about what is and isn’t appropriate, in person and online.  

“It’s also making sure that your child understands what the expectations and rules are, as well, of what it’s like to interact with an adult, and what are those boundaries,” he said. 

Storrs said in raising awareness of potentially predatory behavior, it’s also important to trust children when they disclose inappropriate behavior. 

“A lot of kids don’t disclose that X is happening, what they start disclosing is, ‘I don’t feel comfortable, I don’t want to go. I don’t like hanging out with this person anymore.’ They don’t feel connected,” he said. “That’s a sign.”

The statewide prevention plan likens preventing child sexual abuse to wildfire prevention. That means reducing risks, setting safety codes, educating communities and monitoring high risk situations — to prevent harm. 

Three approaches to prevention

The statewide prevention plan has a three-pronged approach: educate and mobilize, cultivate safer environments and act early to prevent harm.

Storrs says all three involve children, families, and community-wide efforts, and the plan calls for local advocacy groups, service providers, schools and governments to gather community input and develop their own child sexual abuse prevention programs and resources best fit around cultural values. The initiative calls for local communities to develop and strengthen systems for children to safely report harm without fear of punishment and family disruption. 

The first prong focuses on education: increasing awareness and reducing stigma, and increasing the number of people able to take action proactively. That means training for youth-focused employees like teachers and coaches, and building in protocols for reporting and addressing inappropriate behavior. It also involves providing educational resources for parents and caregivers on healthy boundaries, warning signs, and how to respond to concerns. 

The plan calls for education and resources for children and youth on what’s appropriate. Storrs says the plan suggests children receive human development education, not necessarily sex education, so that children develop an understanding of consent, their body anatomy and healthy relationships. 

“When you talk to a child about something, it does not give a child permission to engage in something or to act inappropriately,” he said, adding that teaching kids about sex does not give them permission to have it in the same way that teaching kids about car accidents doesn’t give them permission to drive recklessly. 

Education is aimed at empowering children to identify when physical boundaries have been violated, Storrs said. “So when a kid needs to talk about any of their private areas or someone is trying to talk about it or touch it, they’re able to know what’s appropriate and what’s not appropriate,” he said. 

Similarly, reducing shame and stigma can empower children to talk with an adult or caregiver when they’ve experienced or seen adults behaving inappropriately. Children should know that adults should never ask them to keep secrets, Storrs said, and when inappropriate behavior has occurred they can get help to stop it from continuing. 

The second prong, “cultivating safer environments,” calls for state and local governments, Tribes and service organizations to support programs and policies that help families meet essential basic needs to address conditions that put children at risk for sexual abuse.

Storrs noted that children and families with unstable housing, inadequate child care or health care can create circumstances that put children at higher risk. 

“Our safety net plays a critical part in keeping kids safe, not just of child sexual abuse, but child abuse in general,” he said. “We know when families have stable housing, food security, all those things, it puts less stress on the family.”

The plan calls for increasing safety of physical and digital spaces where youth spend time, and local community organizations to hold listening sessions in communities to identify risk factors and best prevention strategies.

The third prong aims to prevent harm by increasing access to resources to respond to harmful sexual attitudes or behaviors. That includes addressing people who have harmed or are at risk of harming children.

“I truly believe there’s more gray in our world ever than there is black and white,” Storrs said. “And there are definitely individuals who are 100% predators, and it’s very clear. Then you have individuals that may have some thoughts, but don’t act on it, or it’s controlled internally by themselves and by within the society they are.”

The approach includes responding to harmful and problematic sexual behavior among youth. Storrs said with youth having access to graphic sexual material online, problematic behaviors and attitudes may arise. The plan aims to expand treatment and support services for youth to address harmful behaviors.  

“We’re seeing that kids are sexually maturing faster or becoming more hypersexual at a much younger age without the knowledge, skills, supports and resources to then deal with it or understand it,” Storrs said. “And if kids do not have an adult to talk to, or have learned this information, it starts creating hyper sexual experiences, which then can lead to this harmful sexual behavior.”

Alaska has unique challenges with rural and remote communities having less access to services, Storrs said, as well as grappling with legacies of trauma and adversity. He said the initiative aims to push a statewide focus and investment in policies and programs that support children and families that can help prevent harm. The plan is a collaborative effort, he said, and in the first year advocates with the Alaska Children’s Trust will visit communities to discuss the plan, help raise awareness, identify gaps and strengthen protocols and safer environments to prevent abuse.

“What we want to create that’s very clear in our community, in our state, that we as a community are watching and will not stand for any type of inappropriate behavior with our kids,” Storrs said. “And we will say something, we will step in, and you won’t be allowed.”

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Water, Sewer and Parks and Rec service fees increasing today

NOTN- Juneau residents will see higher water and sewer bills starting today.

The City and Borough of Juneau says utility rates will increase by five percent on July 1 as part of a series of annual rate adjustments approved by the Assembly through 2029.

City officials say the increases are intended to help fund utility operations and major infrastructure projects, including replacement of aging drinking water wells, pipelines, wastewater handling systems, and water pump stations. Crews are also currently working on improvements at Cope Park.

Fee increases will also take effect for a variety of Parks and Recreation Services.

The city says the increases are to reflect increased operational expenses and decreased city general funding. 

The fee changes were adopted during the fiscal year 2027 municipal budget process. The last significant increase to Parks & Recreation fees was in 2021. 

Examples of fee increases are listed below. Visit the Parks & Recreation fee increase table for a full summary of the new fees.  

  • Juneau Pools: admission to pools for all age groups, swim lessons, lap lane rentals, and facility rentals  
  • Dimond Park Field House: open turf and track access for all age groups, entry into Turf for Tots, and facility rentals  
  • Areawide Recreation and Adult Sports: Adult Volleyball League, Preschool Open Gym, and drop-in pickleball  
  • Youth Sports: Start Smart and youth sports registration  
  • Treadwell Arena: admission to public skates for all age groups, skate sharpening, lessons, and private ice rentals  
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Juneau’s cherished ski area is losing money. Will the city keep paying?

By: Max Graham, Northern Journal

 Eaglecrest, located on Juneau’s Douglas Island, rises above the Inside Passage. (Nathaniel Herz/Northern Journal)

Last winter’s first big storm came in December. Then came another. And another. By New Year’s Day, four feet of fresh snow blanketed the city of Juneau.

For many locals, it was a crisis: Roofs collapsed; boats sank in the harbor.

For Juneau’s fervent alpine skiers and snowboarders, it could have been a godsend.

Except they had nowhere to ski.

During one of Juneau’s snowiest months on record, the city’s only ski area, a beloved, municipally-run mountain called Eaglecrest, was barely operating.

It’s one of Alaska’s biggest ski areas and a reminder that Juneau, a city defined largely by cruise tourism and the state Capitol, is a mountain town, too.

But just after the season started last December, mechanical issues forced a closure of Eaglecrest’s main chairlift. And a water line broke, leaving its two lodges without running water. Aside from a few beginner slopes, the mountain was closed.

“Pretty much anything that could have gone wrong went wrong,” the chair of the ski area’s public board, Hannah Shively, said at a meeting in early January.

The infrastructure failures came after years of deferred maintenance, staff turnover and accusations of mismanagement and underinvestment. And, though the ski area was fully opened by mid-January, its early-season woes may have been an omen: The next time it snows 80 inches in a month in Juneau, Eaglecrest might not exist at all.

Ski tracks crisscross alpine terrain at Eaglecrest, one of Alaska’s most beloved ski areas. (Eaglecrest Ski Area)

The mountain has operated in the red each of the past four years, with losses totaling some $3 million. Now, it’s at the center of a fierce debate over local government spending, with implications not only for the future of skiing in Juneau, but for the town’s identity.

Some residents say the ski area provides a crucial outlet for outdoor recreation during Juneau’s notoriously gloomy winters, and deserves public funding. Others say the government has effectively run the place into the ground and that the mountain should be privatized.

The Juneau Assembly, which oversees Eaglecrest’s budget, voted this spring to keep the ski area open next season. But it’s allocating $1 million less than what Eaglecrest’s management requested, forcing layoffs and sustaining operations at an “absolute minimum.”

That decision came right after a long-term plan to turn around the mountain’s finances fell through.

Four years ago, the city bought a used gondola, aiming to install it at Eaglecrest to boost summer tourism and generate enough new revenue to make the mountain profitable.

But after construction delays and a staggering cost increase, officials abandoned the project in May, setting the municipality back millions of dollars. They have yet to present an alternative path forward for the mountain, and there’s no certainty that Eaglecrest will stay open beyond next year.

It’s at the most precarious point in its 50-year history.

“We’re definitely at a threshold, or a turning point,” said Jim Calvin, a longtime Juneau skier and member of Eaglecrest’s board. “It’s an existential issue.”

What “separates” Juneau

One reason Alaska skiers love Eaglecrest is that it’s not a typical ski resort. In fact, it’s not a resort at all, but more like a public park.

Nearly all the big ski areas in North America are for-profit businesses. Some — Vail, Whistler, Park City — are owned by the same big, publicly traded corporation. Others, like Steamboat and Mammoth, are owned by private equity and investment firms.

Eaglecrest, meanwhile, is owned by the City and Borough of Juneau, meaning local taxpayers have been contributing about $1 million to operations annually. That’s about 0.6% of the city’s general operating budget.

This helps the mountain keep prices low: An adult season pass last winter cost $802, or $630 if bought before July. At Alyeska, the state’s largest ski area, in Girdwood, prices were nearly double that: $1,599 for a regular season pass, or $1,049 with an early-bird discount.

Public ownership also has helped Eaglecrest stay oriented around recreation and community rather than luxury hotels and real estate development. There is no Four Seasons on the mountain — nor any hotel, for that matter.

“It’s the one nice thing we have that separates us,” said Sandy Hussain, a Juneau resident who frequents the ski area with her husband and son. “Most cities have libraries. They have pools. They don’t have Eaglecrest.”

Eaglecrest is perched at the top of a dead-end road in the mountains of Douglas Island, a 20-minute drive from downtown Juneau. It was established by Juneau’s ski club in the mid-1970s. Over the years, local taxpayers have approved spending on mountain infrastructure projects through sales tax increases and bonds.

Spread across 640 acres, Eaglecrest has three operating chairlifts and two day lodges. From the parking lot, where skiers tailgate on sunny days, you can ride a lift named Ptarmigan through a spruce-and-hemlock forest to an alpine hut with ocean views. There are groomed runs for beginners, and there’s tree skiing for more advanced skiers. Cliff-lined backcountry areas beckon for experts.

Eaglecrest is known for its diverse terrain. (Eaglecrest Ski Area)

While it’s small, with fewer trails and only half the vertical drop of Alyeska, Eaglecrest is known for its powder days (albeit rain days, too), ocean views and diverse terrain, including “tons of pillows and little spine features,” said Ryland Bell, a professional snowboarder based in Haines, a small town up Lynn Canal from Juneau.

Eaglecrest’s terrain and community vibes stand out internationally, said Bell, who has snowboarded all over the world.

“You’re looking down at the ocean, on all sides, and then all the peaks and fjords and canals. It’s an incredible place,” Bell said. “The town absolutely needs it.”

Juneau residents describe the ski area as a favorite winter gathering spot. People bump into friends in the parking lot; parents catch up at the base lodges while kids take ski lessons.

“There was nothing like that in Juneau that we had found yet,” said Hussain, who moved to the town three years ago in part because of Eaglecrest. “It felt like a very welcoming space, even if you’re not the best skier in the world.”

Her family would move away if the mountain were to close, Hussain said. “That would not be a question.”

Eaglecrest’s woes

Ask Juneau residents about the cause of Eaglecrest’s woes, and you’ll get a range of answers, some entirely contradictory.

One local skier said the dysfunction is mostly the fault of the ski area’s former general manager.

Another said the same general manager was one of the greatest things ever to happen to Eaglecrest and said the ski area declined after his firing.

A third skier: “Everyone in town thinks they’re the general manager of Eaglecrest.”

There is, however, broad agreement on a key cause of the ski area’s struggles: economics. There just aren’t enough skiers in Juneau, with a population of about 30,000, to cover all of the mountain’s costs through lift ticket sales and concessions.

And those costs are going up. Officials have substantially boosted employee pay, which was below Alaska’s minimum wage a few years ago. Plus, maintenance needs are growing as Eaglecrest’s infrastructure ages. Management decommissioned one of the main chairlifts, Black Bear, last year; the other, Ptarmigan, is the one that broke down in December.

“It’s an old ski area, and there are a lot of gremlins in there,” said Bruce Griggs, a longtime Juneau skier.

To offset rising costs, Eaglecrest officials hatched a plan four years ago: The city would buy a used gondola from a resort in the Austrian Alps, ship it to Juneau and set it up on the mountain.

Summer cruise tourists — numbering more than 1 million in Juneau each summer — could ride the gondola to the summit to soak in views or launch hikes.

Ticket sales, in turn, would generate new revenue for Eaglecrest. Goldbelt, the Alaska Native-owned corporation for Juneau and a major player in the local tourism industry, would loan the city $10 million in return for a share of the revenue.

Juneau officials bet that buying a used gondola would save the mountain. The plan fell through this spring. (Eaglecrest Ski Area)

The Juneau Assembly, in a 5-4 vote, approved a plan to buy the gondola for $2 million. Projections at the time showed it would generate enough cash to make Eaglecrest profitable. Supporters said the ski area’s future depended on it.

“This is going to be a true game-changer,” Eaglecrest’s general manager, Dave Scanlan, said in 2023.

Then the plan imploded.

Budget debate, identity crisis 

Earlier this year, Jim Calvin, the Eaglecrest board member, made a bombshell announcement at a public meeting: Installing the gondola would cost $27 million, pushing the overall price tag to some $37 million, more than triple early estimates.

“That’s a pretty big gulp factor,” Calvin said at the meeting.

Construction would be more expensive than expected. The gondola needed more parts. And the city would have to pay tariffs on some of those parts, since they’d be coming from Austria.

In response to the cost increase, city officials had to decide whether to scrap the project or find new investors to cover the higher price tag.

At the same time, they were looking for ways to slash spending.

Last fall, Juneau voters passed two ballot initiatives to cut taxes, producing an estimated shortfall of $10 to $12 million — a roughly 8% reduction in the city’s general fund revenue, according to officials.

Among dozens of budget cuts under consideration by the Juneau Assembly this spring was money for public pools, a field house, an ice rink, the city’s library and Eaglecrest.

“We’re trying to make all these big decisions on the city budget, and it makes it really difficult to have the bandwidth to think rationally about the longer term of what we do with Eaglecrest,” Juneau Assembly member Neil Steininger, a former state budget director, said in a May interview.

Without the funds to pay for the gondola project at its new price, officials decided to abandon it. The city now must repay Goldbelt’s original loan, plus interest, costing taxpayers some $9 million.

The project’s failure was “a hit in the public eye” for Eaglecrest and has made it harder for Juneau officials to justify further investment in the ski area, said Christine Woll, a Juneau Assembly member and chair of its finance committee.

Looking out from Eaglecrest over Douglas Island. (Eaglecrest Ski Area)

A growing contingent of Juneau residents now think the solution is to hand the mountain over to a private investor who, in theory, could spend tens of millions of dollars to upgrade ailing infrastructure and develop summer tourism.

Among those residents is Dave Hanna, a local skier and longtime Eaglecrest supporter. He has lost faith in city ownership because critical maintenance on the mountain has lagged recently, he said — and officials, in his view, botched the gondola project.

“It’s been steadily going downhill the last couple years,” Hanna said.

He thinks boosting summer tourism — by developing a gondola and other attractions — is likely “the only thing that’s going to sustain Eaglecrest.”

Hanna supports privatizing Eaglecrest, but only if it can remain affordable for local residents, he said.

“I think there’s a lot of folks that have always believed the city could afford to maintain the area,” Hanna added. “And, finally, they’re waking up and smelling the coffee.”

Hanna is affiliated with the group, Affordable Juneau Coalition, that pushed the tax cuts last year, and he’s been on the opposite side of the broader fiscal debate from Juneau Assembly members like Woll.

He thinks the Assembly is looking in the wrong places to cut spending. Eaglecrest’s future, in his view, is contingent less on the city’s current budget than on its management of the mountain.

For Woll, though, the budget issue has created a real challenge for Eaglecrest.

In her ideal world, the city would keep funding the ski area along with other services facing cuts, she said.

But given the city’s fiscal realities, it’s “hard to justify” spending on Eaglecrest at the level it needs right now, in contrast with “essential services” like housing, Woll said.

Woll isn’t sure about a long-term solution. “I want the answer very badly,” she said.

While officials try to figure out a path forward, the ski area is raising lift ticket prices to help offset losses. A season pass will be about 10% more expensive next year, but still considerably less than at many other U.S. ski resorts.

Calvin, the Eaglecrest board member, said ski area officials will be looking for investors but will continue to ask city leaders for funding until Eaglecrest can “wean” itself off municipal support.

“It will just take time,” he said.

In the meantime — for another year, at least — Juneau’s skiers will still have a place in winter to zoom downhill and hang out with friends. Assuming, of course, nothing breaks before the next big storm.

Northern Journal contributor Max Graham can be reached at max@northernjournal.com. He’s interested in any and all mining related stories, as well as introductory meetings with people in and around the industry.

This article was originally published in Northern Journal, a newsletter from Nathaniel Herz. Subscribe at this link.

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With tens of millions at stake, feud over trans-Alaska pipeline value heads to court

By: Max Graham, Northern Journal

The trans-Alaska pipeline passes through the Brooks Range above the Arctic Circle. (Nathaniel Herz/Northern Journal)

This is a short update to an ongoing story about a dispute over the taxable value of the trans-Alaska pipeline system. The previous story, with more context, by Northern Journal is here. 

A high-stakes feud between Alaska’s major oil companies and three municipalities that collect taxes from those companies is now headed to court.

The fight is over the value of the trans-Alaska pipeline — a calculation that determines how much the companies owe in property taxes each year. Tens of millions of dollars are at stake.

In May, a state tax board set the pipeline’s value at $13 billion. Both the oil companies and the municipalities then filed appeals to the Alaska Superior Court this month.

The municipalities say the taxable value is much higher — about $20 billion. The oil companies say the pipeline’s value is significantly lower — some $2 billion.

Both parties appealed an initial $10 billion assessment by Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s administration. Then, the tax board raised the value by $3 billion.

The municipalities think the value was “improperly determined” by the board and is “considerably higher,” Robin Brena, an Alaska attorney who has long represented the municipalities in pipeline property tax matters, said in a brief phone interview last week.

In its 18-page appeal, lawyers for Alyeska Pipeline Service Co., which is owned by affiliates of the state’s three biggest oil companies and operates the pipeline, also said the state board erred, but for different reasons.

The board’s determination and the Dunleavy administration’s earlier decision were “excessive” and “grossly overstate” the pipeline’s value, the appeal said.

Northern Journal contributor Max Graham can be reached at max@northernjournal.com. 

This article was originally published in Northern Journal, a newsletter from Nathaniel Herz. Subscribe at this linkNorthern Journal is merging with the Anchorage Press! Read our announcement and other information here, and support us with a subscription here.

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Alaska Supreme Court rules Dan J. Sullivan eligible to run for US Senate

By: Corinne Smith, Alaska Beacon

A polling place sign at the State Office Building in Juneau on Aug. 15, 2022. (Photo by Lisa Phu/Alaska Beacon)

The Alaska Supreme Court on Monday ordered the Alaska Division of Elections to include Dan J. Sullivan of Petersburg on the primary ballot as a candidate for U.S. Senate.

The ruling upholding a lower court’s decision came just hours after oral arguments in a fast-tracked case ahead of the division’s deadline to certify and print primary election ballots at noon on Tuesday.

The Alaska Supreme Court considered oral arguments in a fast-tracked case appealing a lower court's ruling Dan J. Sullivan is eligible to run for U.S. Senate on June 29, 2026. (Screenshot of Gavel livestream)
The Alaska Supreme Court considered oral arguments in a fast-tracked case appealing a lower court’s ruling Dan J. Sullivan is eligible to run for U.S. Senate on June 29, 2026. (Screenshot of Gavel livestream)

A full opinion on the case will be issued at a later date, the court said. 

The decision ends a weekslong saga between the state and the challenger with the same name Republican incumbent Sen. Dan Sullivan. The two Sullivans are among 16 primary candidates for the seat, including former Democratic U.S House Rep. Mary Peltola. 

The primary election is Aug. 18. The general election in November determines who will hold the seat for a six-year term.

On Friday, an Anchorage Superior Court ruled that the division’s decision to strike Sullivan from the ballot was unlawful. The judge determined that the division did not have the authority to add additional requirements for candidates beyond what is outlined in the U.S. Constitution. He ruled Sullivan, a retired teacher from Petersburg, is eligible to run for U.S. Senate.

The state appealed that ruling, and the case went before the Alaska Supreme Court on Monday. 

Reached by phone Monday afternoon, Sullivan of Petersburg expressed relief. “I’m glad it’s over. It was pretty stressful. I’ve got to admit that,” he said.

Dan Sullivan of Petersburg announced his campaign for the U.S. Senate on May 29 to challenge incumbent U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan. (Photo courtesy of Dan Sullivan)
Dan Sullivan of Petersburg announced his campaign for the U.S. Senate on May 29 to challenge incumbent U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan. (Photo courtesy of Dan Sullivan)

On the criticisms and questions about his campaign, Sullivan said they were “challenging” to hear. 

“It’s all because of my name, and you know, there’s nothing I can do about my name,” he said. “I was frustrated, I felt it’s time for a change, and so I wanted to jump into the race and make my feelings and my thoughts known. So there’s not a whole lot more to it than that. They tried to make it more than that, and you know, that’s their prerogative.”

Sullivan said he would agree to be listed as “Dan J. Sullivan” on the ballot. He said he now plans to regroup and make plans to visit Alaskan communities, hear from voters, and continue the campaign for Senate. 

Nate Adams, a spokesperson for Sen. Sullivan, said they were disappointed in the court ruling but encouraged by the fact that the division director can “use her expertise” to distinguish the candidates on the ballot in an emailed statement on Monday. 

In the decision, the justices wrote the division will determine how the candidates will appear on the ballot. 

“This matter is remanded for the Division of Elections to determine, in the first instance, how appellee Sullivan shall be listed as a candidate within the confines of existing Alaska ballot design law,” they wrote. 

An official with the Alaska Department of Law on behalf of the division did not immediately respond to a question about how the two candidates would appear on the ballot. 

“The State appreciates the court’s quick ruling and will work to implement the order,” said Sam Curtis with the Department of Law. 

Alaska Supreme Court hears oral arguments 

Sullivan from Petersburg appealed the division’s unprecedented June 15 decision to disqualify him from the U.S. Senate ballot. The Alaska Division of Elections cited complaints filed by the incumbent and Republican groups that his similar name, Republican party affiliation and campaign materials were evidence he was running in “bad faith” and mimicking the Republican incumbent, U.S. Sen. Dan S. Sullivan.  

Challenger Dan. J. Sullivan has defended his campaign as authentic and genuine. In court, his attorney argued that he met all the constitutional requirements for candidacy, and the division had unlawfully added a subjective criteria. 

In oral arguments before the Alaska Supreme Court on Monday, attorney Chris Murray argued on behalf of the division and its appeal of the lower court’s decision. He argued that the authority to administer the manner of elections includes disqualifying the challenger, as they deemed his intention in filing was to “frustrate the purpose” of the election and confuse voters.

Justices questioned that authority cited by the state. “A lot of the times people run for office for different reasons, to highlight an issue, to see what the process is like, and maybe start garnering support over time,” said Justice Aimee Oravec. “These are not necessarily candidates that are seeking office so much as attention for other reasons that are not necessarily bad faith, and there’s no limiting principle.”

“It seems amorphous, frankly,” said Justice Jennifer Henderson. “A broad, amorphous concept of what a candidate’s intent needs to be. So it seems like it’s very appropriate for us to worry about what is encompassed by that.”

Murray argued that the division has the authority, under current state regulations, and a duty to protect voters from confusion. “Because again, what’s the division trying to do? Protect the right to vote,” he said. “The division’s job is to make sure that people who want to vote for one candidate actually get to vote for that candidate, and their intent is reflected on the ballot.”

Justice Oravec questioned that position when the division has the authority to administer and design the ballot in a way that reduces confusion. 

“You control the ballot,” she said. “So I think you’re conflating the potential for confusion when you have the authority to mitigate the confusion.”

State statute already prescribes how candidates with identical names should appear on the ballot. Candidate’s middle initials would be included — in this case “Dan J. Sullivan” for the candidate from Petersburg, and “Dan S. Sullivan” for the incumbent senator. 

But in the state’s appeal filed over the weekend, Alaska Acting Attorney General Cori Mills requested that if the court upholds the ruling restoring the Petersburg Sullivan to the ballot, then the division could list him as “nonpartisan” instead of Republican like the incumbent senator.

Justices questioned whether that affiliation would be within the division’s authority. Jeffrey Robinson, arguing on behalf of Sullivan on Monday, objected to that listing. “There’s no authority for the proposition that in order to avoid confusion the director can change the party affiliation,” he said.

Robinson argued that the division adding unwritten, subjective criteria for candidates is unlawful. He again cited the case where the Alaska Democratic Party sought to remove Eric Hafner, a U.S. House candidate imprisoned out of state, and the division did not investigate his motives but found he met the qualifications to run for office.

“When would there be a better time to question the motives of someone’s intent to run for office than a convicted felon living out of state who has no potential to come back, or virtually no potential to come back and serve?” Robinson said. 

The division has argued that there was no complaint filed against Hafner’s candidacy, and so no reason to investigate him.

Justice Oravec asked Robinson whether Sullivan and his legal team also dispute the division’s findings in their decision to disqualify him from the ballot. Robinson said the division’s points were “unconstitutional and frivolous” and they did not have the authority to make those findings. 

In an unusual move, 14 Republican controlled states filed an amicus brief, or “friends of the court” brief, with the state Supreme Court expressing support for the division and its authority to remove Sullivan from the ballot.

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Alaska gasline corp. board member calls lawmakers ‘mosquitoes’ in AKLNG tax cut talks

By: Corinne Smith, Alaska Beacon

The entrance to the Alaska Gasline Development Corp.’s Anchorage office is seen on Aug. 11, 2023. The state-owned AGDC is pushing for a massive project that would ship natural gas south from the North Slope, liquefy it and send it on tankers from Cook Inlet to Asian markets. The AGDC proposal is among many that have been raised since the 1970s to try commercialize the North Slope’s stranded natural gas. (Photo by Yereth Rosen/Alaska Beacon)

A board member with the state-owned Alaska Gasline Development Corporation, which is a part owner of the proposed AKLNG gas line project and pushing for lawmakers to provide a multibillion dollar tax break, likened state legislators to mosquitoes  — “irritating, relentless, and somehow always present” — at a board meeting on Thursday. 

The “tongue-in-cheek” comparison came from Fairbanks-based secretary and treasurer of the board Dennis Michel as the corporation grapples with lawmaker scrutiny after the leak of a confidential document revealing potential state financial liability in the project. 

Some legislators found the comparison to be demeaning as they continue to debate the specifics of a state tax break for the project that is estimated by the developer to cost up to $55 billion, which would include a 807-mile gas line and gas treatment facilities. The comment and some lawmakers’ reaction highlights the tension in the working relationship between the groups.

Lawmakers are now in a second special session called by Gov. Mike Dunleavy. A conference committee of six legislators are negotiating a compromise bill from competing House and Senate proposals.

Lawmakers have been largely supportive of the AKLNG project that would deliver natural gas from the North Slope. But Senate lawmakers and Dunleavy have split on details of the plan. Lawmakers are weighing provisions to provide increased protections for Alaskan gas consumers, a community impact fund, labor-related provisions, disclosure agreements for foreign investors and provisions to protect the state if the project fails to move forward, among others.

The state-owned Alaska Gasline Development Corporation is a 25% owner of the project, while Glenfarne, a private developer, is a 75% owner, after AGDC handed over ownership last year. 

The AGDC board includes seven members, including five members appointed by Dunleavy and two commissioners with the Alaska Department of Transportation and Public Facilities and the Alaska Department of Commerce, Community, and Economic Development. 

The mosquito-themed remarks came one day after the Alaska Beacon reported on a confidential draft analysis of an agreement between AGDC and Glenfarne that shows if the project failed to move forward under some conditions, the state could be required to pay in order to take back the project. 

The document was shared with some lawmakers, but not others or the public, and it informed some Senators in questions to the developer and their push for further protections on the proposed tax break proposal.

At Thursday’s virtual board meeting, officials with AGDC said they had launched an internal investigation into how the confidential document was shared. AGDC President Frank Richards called the disclosure “bad for AGDC” and its relationship with private investors. 

On Thursday, AGDC board members expressed strong support for a state approved multibillion dollar tax break to benefit the project, and heard a detailed update on the current negotiations and proposed provisions being debated in the Legislature. 

At the end of the nearly two-hour meeting, Michel, the Fairbanks-based board member, made the comments in what seemed like prepared remarks. He prefaced the remarks as “tongue in cheek” before he likened lawmakers to mosquitoes seen in the Interior. 

“A mosquito can turn a peaceful evening into a defensive operation. A Legislature can turn a straightforward issue into a long campaign of hearings, amendments, delays and procedural buzzing,” Michel said. “Both are persistent, too. A mosquito can keep circling until it finds bare skin. Lawmakers circle around taxes, amendments, compromises until it finally lands, or at least until someone, everyone in the room, has been bitten by the process.”

Michel said he hoped the legislative conference committee would “stop hovering” and agree to a workable tax cut for the developers. 

“So, yes, mosquitoes in the Legislature are both part of life in Alaska, irritating, relentless, and somehow always present just when people are trying to get something done,” he said. 

“But even mosquitoes can be a sign of something good ahead,” he added. “More mosquitoes often mean more blueberries here in the Interior. And in the same spirit, I hope that the legislators and their sessions produce more than welts and frustrations, but ultimately deliver something of value to the citizens of Alaska.”

No other board members responded to the comments, and the meeting ended shortly after. 

Several lawmakers were on the call, including Sen. Cathy Giessel, R-Anchorage, who chairs the Senate Resources Committee. She has been highly involved in drafting legislation around the AKLNG project and serves as a non-voting senate representative to the board. 

She called the comments “outrageously demeaning.”

Senate President Gary Stevens, R-Kodiak, Sens. Cathy Giessel, R-Anchorage, and Bill Wielechowski, D-Anchorage are seen at a news conference after the Senate adjourned on May 20, 2026. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)
Senate President Gary Stevens, R-Kodiak, Sens. Cathy Giessel, R-Anchorage, and Bill Wielechowski, D-Anchorage are seen at a news conference after the Senate adjourned on May 20, 2026. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)

“He is an unelected person who has been appointed as a political favor to a board with no oversight by any elected individuals in the Legislature, and he was demeaning representatives of the people who have been elected,” Giessel said in an interview on Friday.

“(The comments) demonstrate to me the cavalier attitude that this board has toward the governing body of the Legislature, the one of the branches of government, and that concerns me a great deal,” she said. “This is a generational change project and we need to be working together.”

Rep. Donna Mears, D-Anchorage, who serves on the House Resources Committee also attended the hearing. She said the comments were “not acceptable.”

“The Legislature has got a duty that is larger than the AGDC board. We have a responsibility to our communities, we have a responsibility to rate payers. Yes, this project can bring a lot of benefit to the state, but we also have to make sure that we’re not running over our communities and our ratepayers in the process,” she said in an interview Friday. 

During a break in the conference committee hearing, AGDC president Richards said in an interview he did not want to speak for Michel. “He was trying to identify that as tongue in cheek,” Richards said. “And really I think maybe expressing some frustration about the lengthy process, and about what’s been happening, the back and forth.”

Frank Richards, president of the Alaska Galine Development Corp., listens to a question at a House Finance hearing held in Anchorage on May 27, 2026.. (Photo by Yereth Rosen/Alaska Beacon)

“There’s this, sounds like tension, you know, that in the arena of the legislature that we want to be able to get through and achieve an economic project,” he added. “And that’s really the goal of what we’re going to do with the property tax, alternative volumetric tax provisions.”

When asked about lawmakers’ reaction, Richards said he did not have a comment, but added: “I certainly can see the perspective of hearing the words that were said and their personal reaction.” 

Both Giessel and Mears noted ongoing concerns about a lack of transparency from AGDC and Glenfarne on the proposed gas line project, amplified by the reporting on the confidential draft agreement this week. 

Lawmakers have been asking Glenfarne and AGDC for more detailed financial information for months. Glenfarne released an updated estimate for the project’s cost earlier this month at up to $55 billion, but state lawmakers say they still don’t have all the financial information they’ve been seeking, including estimates about the project’s profitability.

Giessel said she’s particularly concerned about confidential agreements with foreign investors. She authored provisions approved by the Senate to provide more state oversight of foreign entities and cost overruns.

“I think there’s been such distrust sown in this project that I don’t see how we can proceed forward at this point,” Giessel said. “It almost feels like there needs to be a restart where everybody comes to the table and stops hiding the ball, stops hiding the information, and the disrespect and demeaning language stops, and we start over with mutual respect and mutual collaboration.”

Mears said the legislators with the conference committee currently working on a final bill have an “enormous burden” to hammer out a compromise. She said if lawmakers still need more information, they should get more time to do their work. 

“I think the information coming out this week is exactly why rushing a process is unacceptable,” she said, referring to the information in the confidential draft analysis. 

“Maybe the thought that the Legislature is annoying is true,” Mears said. “Because the truth sure seems to be inconvenient. We would have a much better process starting from what we know now, and those of us that have been asking for more information for months are not wrong.”

Members of the conference committee are scheduled to meet publicly on Friday and Saturday. The Legislature is scheduled to reconvene on Wednesday July 1, but it’s uncertain whether a compromise bill will be finalized by then.

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US Supreme Court deals blow to Trump, ruling states can accept ballots after Election Day

By: Jonathan Shorman, States Newsroom

Greg Lange of Bismarck, North Dakota, drops off his absentee ballot and his wife’s at the Bismarck Burleigh County Office Building on June 8, 2026. (Photo by Michael Achterling/North Dakota Monitor)

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled Monday that states can count mail-in ballots that arrive after Election Day, a blow to the Trump administration and some Republican states that had urged the justices to require all ballots to arrive by the close of polls.

In a 5-4 decision, the court found that federal law does not prevent states from accepting late-arriving ballots. The ruling is a victory for Democrats and voting rights advocates, who had said setting a hard, Election Day deadline for ballot arrival would risk disenfranchising voters amid fears of deteriorating mail service.

The case, RNC vs. Watson, centered on whether federal law overrides a Mississippi law that requires mail-in ballots postmarked on or before Election Day to be counted as long as they arrive within five business days of the election. Thirteen states have similar laws, which extend a “grace period” to ballots that arrive through the mail after polls close.

Justice Amy Coney Barrett, writing for the majority, said that federal law didn’t preempt the state law because elections represent when voters make a decision, which must be done on or before Election Day. Voters who cast their ballot by mail have made a decision by Election Day, Barrett reasoned.

“The electorate’s choice is made when voting is complete, not when ballots are received,” Barrett wrote.

Barrett cautioned that the decision rested on the interpretation of federal law, not the U.S. Constitution. She noted that the court was not considering the scope of Congress’ authority to regulate federal elections — suggesting that if Congress passes a nationwide ballot arrival deadline that the justices might uphold such a law.

Barrett was joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson. 

Justice Samuel Alito dissented, joined by Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch. Justice Brett Kavanaugh joined part of the dissent.

“If ballots received after election day are added to the set of ballots that dictate the election’s outcome, the electorate’s choice does not occur on election day, and the federal election-day statutes are violated,” Alito wrote.

States with grace periods

In addition to Mississippi, other states with some form of grace period include Alaska, California, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Texas, Virginia, Washington and West Virginia.

David Becker, executive director of the nonpartisan Center for Election Innovation & Research, called the Supreme Court decision a win for these states, as well as 30 states that accept military and overseas ballots delivered after Election Day.

“This is a victory for all the states and for all those who respect the will of the Founders, who ensured the security of our elections by giving the power to run those elections to the states — not to one person sitting in Washington, DC,” Becker said in a statement.

Some local election officials had warned that requiring all ballots to be received by the close of polls would burden their offices as they try to quickly warn voters about the change just months before the midterms. More ballot drop boxes that let voters keep their ballots out of the mail could help, they say, but also cost money.

“Ultimately, the voters may be harmed as well,” election officials in California, Massachusetts, Oregon and Washington wrote in a court brief, warning that some ballots may not be received in time, “despite best efforts by careful and proactive administrators and local governments.”

But some Republican secretaries of state had urged the justices to strike down “grace period” laws. Louisiana Secretary of State Nancy Landry and Wyoming Secretary of State Chuck Gray wrote in a court brief that an Election Day deadline “provides the bright-line rule that effective election administration demands.”

At least 725,000 ballots were postmarked by Election Day 2024 and arrived within a legally accepted post-election window, The New York Times has reported, citing election officials in 14 of 22 states and territories where late-arriving ballots were accepted that year. 

Overall, about 30% of voters cast a mail ballot in 2024, according to data gathered by the U.S. Election Assistance Commission.

RNC challenged law

The Republican National Committee challenged the Mississippi law, which was defended by Mississippi Republican Secretary of State Michael Watson. The RNC argued a longstanding federal law that sets the Tuesday after the first Monday in November as Election Day for federal offices preempted state laws that allow ballots cast by Election Day, but received later, to count.

The 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in October 2024 that federal law requires ballots to be received by Election Day. President Donald Trump last year also unilaterally attempted to require mail ballots to be received by the end of Election Day in a sweeping executive order on elections. Much of that order was blocked in federal court.

The Supreme Court “rejected the RNC’s radical attempt to rewrite election laws in a way that would have resulted in the rejection of hundreds of thousands of ballots and the disenfranchisement of voters nationwide through no fault of their own,” Elisabeth Frost, litigation chair at Elias Law Group, said in a statement. 

Elias Law Group represented two nonprofit voting rights groups, Vet Voice Foundation and the Mississippi Alliance for Retired Americans, that had intervened as defendants in the case.

The Supreme Court issued Monday’s decision against a backdrop of uncertainty surrounding mail ballots. Trump signed an executive order in March that would restrict voting by mail by requiring states to provide lists of possible mail ballot voters to the U.S. Postal Service in advance. A federal judge recently blocked major portions of the order, triggering a near-certain appeal.

Republican National Committee chairman Joe Gruters accused Democrats of inviting chaos by allowing elections to “drag on” for days and weeks after ballots are cast. He said Republicans wouldn’t be deterred by the decision.

“If we want fair and secure elections, Election Day should mean exactly what it says, which is why this decision makes it even more imperative that Congress pass the SAVE America Act,” Gruters said in a statement, referring to restrictive voter legislation pushed by Trump that lacks the votes to pass the U.S. Senate.

Trump said the decision was a “tremendous loss” in a social media post and again urged passage of the SAVE America Act.

Paul Clement, an attorney for the Republican National Committee, said during oral arguments at the Supreme Court in March the prospect that the outcome of an election could change because of ballots arriving after Election Day would be unacceptable to losing candidates. After the 2020 election, President Donald Trump demanded election officials not count ballots that came in after Election Day, but states kept counting ballots.

“If you have an election and the election is going to turn on late-arriving ballots in a way that means what everybody kind of thought was the result on Election Day ends up being the opposite a week later, 21 days later, the losers are not going to accept that result. Full stop,” Clement told the justices.

Attorneys for Watson argued that both legal and historical precedent supported his position. States may decide that voters have made their final choices when ballots are submitted to state officials rather than when they’re received, according to Watson.

Watson didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

This is a developing report that will be updated.

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Judge finds Alaska Division of Elections’ removal of Dan J Sullivan from US Senate race unlawful

By: Corinne Smith, Alaska Beacon

Dan Sullivan of Petersburg announced his campaign for the U.S. Senate on May 29 to challenge incumbent U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan. (Photo courtesy of Dan Sullivan)

An Anchorage judge ruled on Friday the Alaska Division of Elections’ decision to disqualify a U.S. Senate candidate with the same name as the incumbent was unlawful. The state immediately appealed the decision, sending the case to the Alaska Supreme Court on Monday.

In the Friday night ruling, the judge determined Dan J. Sullivan, a retired teacher from Petersburg, is an eligible candidate for U.S. Senate and that the division shall include his name on the August 18 primary ballot. 

The division’s decision to disqualify Sullivan because it determined his candidacy was not filed in “good faith” was unconstitutional, Superior Court Judge Thomas Matthews ruled. “The director’s assertion that Mr. Sullivan seeks to confuse or misguide voters is not supported by a preponderance of evidence,” he wrote.

Matthews wrote that the division accepted “at face value” complaints against the candidate made by the incumbent and the Alaska Republican Party while disregarding Sullivan’s assertions that his campaign was sincere.

The division made the unprecedented decision to remove Sullivan from the ballot on June 15, following allegations from Republican groups that he was a “sham candidate” and cited his similar name, party affiliation and campaign materials as evidence of an intention to confuse voters by running for U.S. Senate. In court on Friday morning, an attorney for the division defended the decision, saying it was within the division’s authority to remove a candidate to prevent voter confusion, and if a candidate is seeking to be placed on the ballot to “compromise the fairness of the ballot.”

Sullivan defended his candidacy as genuine, and appealed the division’s decision in state court. In oral arguments, his attorney argued Sullivan met all the constitutional requirements for candidacy, and the division had unlawfully added a subjective criteria. 

The judge agreed, saying the division does not have the authority to add additional requirements for a candidate. While the director has the authority to prepare the ballot in the interest of “fairness, simplicity and clarity” for voters, the judge said the statute supports “ballot design solutions,” including name formatting and instructions. “It does not authorize the removal of a candidate who satisfies the legal qualifications for office,” Matthews wrote. 

State regulation already prescribes what should happen if two identically named candidates appear on the same ballot. The ballot would include candidates’ middle initials —  Dan J. Sullivan for the candidate from Petersburg, and Dan S. Sullivan for the incumbent senator. 

The judge also denied the Alaska Republican Party’s motion to intervene in the case as a third party, but said the court would consider its position as an amicus brief.

The case is being fast-tracked ahead of the division’s deadline to certify and print primary ballots on Tuesday at noon. The Alaska Supreme Court has scheduled oral arguments in the state’s appeal for 10am on Monday, which will be livestreamed for the public.