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Juneau Symphony announces new music director

Photo courtesy of the Juneau Symphony

The Juneau Symphony has announced the appointment of Brad Hogarth as its new Music Director, following an extensive yearlong search and a final vote by Symphony members.

Hogarth, a conductor, educator, and trumpeter, was one of four finalists invited to lead a full concert during the Symphony’s 2024–2025 season. Each candidate spent time engaging with the orchestra and the wider community, but it was Hogarth’s dynamic podium presence, artistic vision, and collaboration that ultimately resonated.

“We are excited to welcome Brad to the Juneau Symphony family,” said Executive Director Charlotte Truitt. “He brings extraordinary musicianship and a passion for connecting people through music. His energy and artistic leadership will guide us into an inspiring next chapter.”

The search process was shaped by input from musicians, community members, and Symphony patrons. Hogarth’s appointment begins immediately, and he will work with Symphony leadership to finalize plans for the 2025–2026 season, strengthen community partnerships, and expand outreach throughout Southeast Alaska.

“I am honored and excited to join the Juneau Symphony as Music Director,” said Hogarth. “I am inspired by the talent and dedication of the musicians, and moved by the warmth of the Juneau community. I look forward to making music together and sharing meaningful artistic experiences with everyone.”

The Symphony plans to formally welcome Hogarth in the coming months. Details on the upcoming season, including ticket information, will be released soon.

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Federal court upholds State control in Cook Inlet salmon fishery dispute

Sockeye salmon at Tazimina Lake. NPS Photo / D. Young. 2013

U.S. District Judge Sharon Gleason has sided with Alaska in a contentious case about who gets to control salmon fishing in certain waters.

Gleason upheld the National Marine Fisheries Service’s (NMFS) adoption of Amendment 16 to the federal salmon fishery plan for the Cook Inlet Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). The ruling confirms that NMFS is not obligated to regulate salmon fishing in state waters.

Opponents of Amendment 16 had argued that the measure violated the Magnuson-Stevens Act, which is the primary law governing marine fisheries in U.S federal waters and was created to prevent overfishing, rebuild depleted fish stocks and protect marine eco systems.

Opponents also argued the measure violated the Administrative Procedure Act (APA), a law that governs how federal agencies can create and enforce rules, claiming that NMFS should be required to manage salmon stocks across their full range or everywhere that salmon swim, including within state-managed nearshore waters.

The court disagreed. Judge Gleason affirmed that the MSA permits NMFS to manage fisheries as distinct units, and that the Cook Inlet EEZ salmon fishery qualifies. The decision also reinforced that NMFS’s jurisdiction is limited to federal waters, which begin three miles offshore.

Attorney General Treg Taylor praised the decision, calling it “a victory for Alaska and our salmon fishery.” He added, “It upheld the state’s rights and responsibilities to managing our waters. I want to congratulate the hard work and dedication of our Department of Law attorneys, especially Aaron Peterson, who have been tirelessly defending Alaska’s interests.”

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‘Big’ legislative package shifts more of SNAP’s costs to states, saving federal dollars but causing fewer Americans to get help paying for food

The House of Representatives side of the U.S. Capitol is seen on the morning of Election Day, Tuesday, Nov. 3, 2020, in Washington. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)
The House of Representatives side of the U.S. Capitol is seen on the morning of Election Day, Tuesday, Nov. 3, 2020, in Washington. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

The Conversation is an independent and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts

The legislative package that President Donald Trump signed into law on July 4, 2025, has several provisions that will shrink the safety net, including the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, long known as food stamps. SNAP spending will decline by an estimated US$186 billion through 2034 as a result of several changes Congress made to the program that today helps roughly 42 million people buy groceries – an almost 20% reduction.

In my research on the history of food stamps, I’ve found that the program was meant to be widely available to most low-income people. The SNAP changes break that tradition in two ways.

The Congressional Budget Office estimates that about 3 million people are likely to be dropped from the program and lose their benefits. This decline will occur in part because more people will face time limits if they don’t meet work requirements. Even those who meet the requirements may lose benefits because of difficulty submitting the necessary documents.

And because states will soon have to take on more of the costs of the program, which totaled over $100 billion in 2024, they may eventually further restrict who gets help due to their own budgetary constraints.

Summing up SNAP’s origins

Inspired by the plight of unemployed coal miners whom John F. Kennedy met in Appalachia when he campaigned for the presidency in 1960, the early food stamps program was not limited to single parents with children, older people and people with disabilities, like many other safety net programs were at the time. It was supposed to help low-income people afford more and better food, regardless of their circumstances.

In response to national attention in the late 1960s to widespread hunger and malnutrition in other areas of the country, such as among tenant farmers in the rural South, a limited food stamps program was expanded. It reached every part of the country by 1974.

From the start, the states administered the program and covered some of its administrative costs and the federal government paid for the benefits in full. This arrangement encouraged states to enroll everyone who needed help without fearing the budgetary consequences.

Who could qualify and how much help they could get were set by uniform national standards, so that even the residents of the poorest states would be able to afford a budget-conscious but nutritionally adequate diet.

The federal government’s responsibility for the cost of benefits also allowed spending to automatically grow during economic downturns, when more people need assistance. These federal dollars helped families, retailers and local economies weather tough times.

The changes to the SNAP program included in the legislative package that Congress approved by narrow margins and Trump signed into law, however, will make it harder for the program to serve its original goals.

Restricting benefits

Since the early 1970s, most so-called able-bodied adults who were not caring for a child or an adult with disabilities had to meet a work requirement to get food stamps. Welfare reform legislation in 1996 made that requirement stricter for such adults between the ages of 18 and 50 by imposing a three-month time limit if they didn’t log 20 hours or more of employment or another approved activity, such as verified volunteering.

Budget legislation passed in 2023 expanded this rule to adults up to age 54. The 2025 law will further expand the time limit to adults up to age 64 and parents of children age 14 or over.

States can currently get permission from the federal government to waive work requirements in areas with insufficient jobs or unemployment above the national average. This flexibility to waive work requirements will now be significantly limited and available only where at least 1 in 10 workers are unemployed.

Concerned senators secured an exemption from the work requirements for most Native Americans and Native Alaskans, who are more likely to live in areas with limited job opportunities.

A 2023 budget deal exempted veterans, the homeless and young adults exiting the foster care system from work requirements because they can experience special challenges getting jobs. The 2025 law does not exempt them.

The new changes to SNAP policies will also deny benefits to many immigrants with authorization to be in the U.S., such as people granted political asylum or official refugee status. Immigrants without authorization to reside in the U.S. will continue to be ineligible for SNAP benefits.

Tracking ‘error rates’

Critics of food stamps have long argued that states lack incentives to carefully administer the program because the federal government is on the hook for the cost of benefits.

In the 1970s, as the number of Americans on the food stamp rolls soared, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which oversees the program, developed a system for assessing if states were accurately determining whether applicants were eligible for benefits and how much they could get.

A state’s “payment error rate” estimates the share of benefits paid out that were more or less than an applicant was actually eligible for. The error rate was not then and is not today a measure of fraud. Typically, it just indicates the share of families who get a higher – or lower – amount of benefits than they are eligible for because of mistakes or confusion on the part of the applicant or the case worker who handles the application.

Congress tried to penalize states with error rates over 5% in the 1980s but ultimately suspended the effort under state pressure. After years of political wrangling, the USDA started to consistently enforce financial penalties on states with high error rates in the mid-1990s.

States responded by increasing their red tape. For example, they asked applicants to submit more documentation and made them go through more bureaucratic hoops, like having more frequent in-person interviews, to get – and continue receiving – SNAP benefits.

These demands hit low-wage workers hardest because their applications were more prone to mistakes. Low-income workers often don’t have consistent work hours and their pay can vary from week to week and month to month. The number of families getting benefits fell steeply.

The USDA tried to reverse this decline by offering states options to simplify the process for applying for and continuing to get SNAP benefits over the course of the presidencies of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama. Enrollment grew steadily.

Penalizing high rates

Since 2008, states with error rates over 6% have had to develop a detailed plan to lower them.

Despite this requirement, the national average error rate jumped from 7.4% before the pandemic, to a record high of 11.7% in 2023. Rates rose as states struggled with a surge of people applying for benefits, a shortage of staff in state welfare agencies and procedural changes.

Republican leaders in Congress have responded to that increase by calling for more accountability.

Making states pay more

The big legislative package will increase states’ expenses in two ways.

It will reduce the federal government’s responsibility for half of the cost of administering the program to 25% beginning in the 2027 fiscal year.

And some states will have to pay a share of benefit costs for the first time in the program’s history, depending on their payment error rates. Beginning in the 2028 fiscal year, states with an error rate between 6-8% would be responsible for 5% of the cost of benefits. Those with an error rate between 8-10% would have to pay 10%, and states with an error rate over 10% would have to pay 15%. The federal government would continue to pay all benefits in states with error rates below 6%.

Republicans argue the changes will give states more “skin in the game” and ensure better administration of the program.

While the national payment error rate fell from 11.68% in the 2023 fiscal year to 10.93% a year later, 42 states still had rates in excess of 6% in 2024. Twenty states plus the District of Columbia had rates of 10% or higher.

At nearly 25%, Alaska has the highest payment error rate in the country. But Alaska won’t be in trouble right away. To ease passage in the Senate, where the vote of Sen. Lisa Murkowski, an Alaska Republican, was in doubt, a provision was added to the bill allowing several states with the highest error rates to avoid cost sharing for up to two years after it begins.

Democrats argue this may encourage states to actually increase their error rates in the short term.

The effect of the new law on the amount of help an eligible household gets is expected to be limited.

About 600,000 individuals and families will lose an average of $100 a month in benefits because of a change in the way utility costs are treated. The law also prevents future administrations from increasing benefits beyond the cost of living, as the Biden Administration did.

States cannot cut benefits below the national standards set in federal law.

But the shift of costs to financially strapped states will force them to make tough choices. They will either have to cut back spending on other programs, increase taxes, discourage people from getting SNAP benefits or drop the program altogether.

The changes will, in the end, make it even harder for Americans who can’t afford the bare necessities to get enough nutritious food to feed their families.

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Officials find the body of a woman who got off a cruise ship in Alaska to hike and didn’t return

 AP- Authorities say they have found the body of a woman visiting Alaska’s capital city who did not return to her cruise ship from a hike she said she was taking.

The Alaska Department of Public Safety said the body of 62-year-old Marites Buenafe of Kentucky was found by an Alaska Army National Guard helicopter crew late Thursday below the ridge line of Gold Ridge. Troopers and Juneau Mountain Rescue were able to recover the body with help from Temsco Helicopters and the National Guard.

Her next of kin have been notified, and her body will be sent to the state medical examiner’s office for autopsy.

The Juneau Police Department received a report Tuesday afternoon that the woman, who told relatives that morning that she was getting off the Norwegian Bliss to hike, had not returned to the vessel by its departure time.

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Invasive Green Crab spotted in Ketchikan for the first time

News of the North- The invasive European green crab has been confirmed on beaches along the Ketchikan road system for the first time. The species was first detected in Alaska in July 2022 by the Metlakatla Indian Community on Annette Island, who have since spearheaded local and regional responses.

The green crab is considered one of the most invasive species in the marine environment. It has few predators, aggressively hunts and eats its prey, destroys seagrass, and outcompetes local species for food and habitat. It has been documented that green crab devour juvenile king crab as well as juvenile salmon. They also destroy eelgrass habitat that larval fish use to hide from predators, and outcompete Dungeness crabs for food and habitat. Green crab could potentially damage Alaska’s multi-billion dollar fisheries industries, especially for salmon, crab, and mariculture operations.

Southeast Alaska Tribal Ocean Research, Alaska Fish & Game, and Alaska Sea Grant provide public resources about European green crabs in Southeast Alaska including detection, identification, and impact information, The best way to identify green crab is to count the spines. There are 5 spines behind the eye on each side of the shell.

Green crabs live on rocky shores, cobble beaches, sandflats and tidal marshes. They can often be found near eelgrass beds or other shoreline vegetation. Green crabs tolerate a wide range of water salinity and temperature. They can also survive upstream of river mouths in some estuarine environments. 

Report your sightings via the ADF&G Invasive Species Reporter or by calling the Invasive Species Hotline: (877) INVASIV ((877) 468-2748). If you locate invasive green crab on Annette Islands Reserve, you can call (907) 886-FISH to make a report.

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Alaska Gov. Dunleavy forces early vote on education veto override with special session in August

Governor Mike Dunleavy speaks during a press conference on Thursday, April 17 in Juneau. (Photo by Greg Knight/NOTN)
Governor Mike Dunleavy speaks during a press conference on Thursday, April 17 in Juneau. (Photo by Greg Knight/NOTN)

By: Corinne Smith and James Brooks, Alaska Beacon

Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy is calling state legislators back to Juneau for a surprise special session.

On Wednesday, the governor issued a proclamation stating that the session, which begins Aug. 2, will cover education reform and his executive order creating a new Department of Agriculture.

The proclamation also forces an early vote on whether to override or sustain several of the governor’s vetoes, including an unprecedented cut to the base student allocation, core of the state’s per-pupil funding formula for public schools.

Under the Alaska Constitution, legislators must vote on an override in the first five days of the next session, in this case a special session.

That’s significant, because 45 votes are needed to override a budget veto, and while there were 46 votes in favor of a prior veto override this spring, at least one legislator who voted in favor of that override is expected to be unavailable in August.

In a prepared statement, Dunleavy outlined his stated reasons for calling a special session.

​​“Enacting a few necessary reforms to our public education system can elevate those children struggling in Alaska’s school system,” Dunleavy said. “As elected officials we must do all we can to put the next generation on the path to a successful and prosperous future, and that starts with a solid public education.” 

The governor’s office declined to answer an emailed question asking whether the special session’s goals included an early vote. Some legislators said that seemed apparent.

House Minority Leader Mia Costello, R-Anchorage, said members of the House’s Republican minority were preparing to meet with the governor Wednesday afternoon.

Asked whether she thinks the governor called the session to force a veto override early, she said, “undoubtedly, the governor is aware that those issues would be taken up in the first five days in the Legislature. So, I do believe that is a part of the plan.”

She said she doesn’t know whether calling the vote early will decrease the chances of an override. Though some lawmakers may be absent, “people are home, talking to their constituents … how that translates into their votes is a hard thing to tell.”

Sen. Bill Wielechowski, D-Anchorage and chair of the Senate Rules Committee, did not mince words: “Oh yeah, this is all about the veto override,” he said. “Because he knows there’s people that are not in the state. You know, that’s actually the day that the National Conference of State Legislatures starts to meet also. So I know there’s some people who are scheduled to go to that. So, yeah, this is all about trying to game the system so we don’t have enough votes to override his veto.”

Legislators uniformly said that the governor’s special session proclamation came as a surprise. Rep. Andy Josephson, D-Anchorage, was hiking in Denali when reached by phone. Speaker of the House Bryce Edgmon, I-Dillingham, was at his town’s boat harbor.

“It’s a stunning announcement,” Edgmon said. “It’s extraordinary to get the Legislature back to Juneau, and it takes a tremendous amount of organization, cooperation, dialogue, you know, conversations, particularly when you’re throwing a topic like education policy in the mix, which normally could take up an entire two years of a legislative session.”

Senate President Gary Stevens, R-Kodiak, said the Legislature will reconvene but the votes for an override are uncertain. “I suspect that’ll be the first thing we deal with, if not the only thing we deal with, and we’ll see how the votes go.”

Under the Alaska Constitution, governors have the power to call special sessions, with the subjects limited to those chosen by the governor and the reconsideration of vetoed bills. While the Legislature is required to convene, it’s not required to actually discuss the chosen subjects. 

Stevens said there’s no guarantee that the Legislature will take up Dunleavy’s agenda items. “It should be no secret to anyone that we’re going to, when we do meet —  it’s my intention — on Aug. 2 to bring up first the issue of the override. And then we could, after we’ve done that, pass or fail, then we probably … can easily adjourn and deal with these issues the governor brought up at a later date.”

Sen. Forrest Dunbar, D-Anchorage, is currently deployed in Poland as part of U.S. National Guard service, and Stevens says it’s unlikely he would be able to make the special session. “He’s doing a service to the country, and it’d be very hard for him to get back. I don’t know if the military would even allow him to leave at this point, he’s in a training session, and so we’ll certainly look into that. But I would say it’s probably unlikely that he can be back.” 

Dunbar did not respond to requests for comment by Wednesday afternoon.

“But he’s not the only one,” Stevens added. “There are others that are traveling, which makes it even more difficult to get to 45 votes.”

That threshold matters because overriding a governor’s budget veto requires 45 of 60 legislators, meeting in joint session.

This spring, 46 lawmakers voted to override the governor’s veto of a bill increasing the base student allocation in state policy. But authorizing spending the money was a separate vote, as part of passing the budget. If Dunbar is absent, all 45 remaining supporters of the veto override would have to stand firm in order to restore public school funding cut by the governor.

“I don’t know where people are going to be, but it’s really going to come down to probably one vote on a number of these overrides. So, not having that one vote, it’s going to be tough,” Wielechowski said.

In addition to the budget vetoes, the governor had vetoed three policy bills, including Senate Bill 183, increasing the powers of the legislative auditor. 

Legislators said that bill, which passed with bipartisan support, was needed because the executive branch has stopped providing reports needed to verify the work of oil tax auditors on state taxes owed. Dunleavy said legislators’ criticism of the administration’s handling of the issue insinuated that it was acting unethically or illegally and undermined public trust in government. He demanded in a letter to lawmakers last week that they stop.

Afterward, at a meeting of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee, lawmakers voted to authorize subpoenas against members of the administration over the issue.

Calling a special session makes an override of the SB 183 veto more difficult, Wielechowski said.

“If you’re an oil company, today’s a great day. They’re probably popping champagne bottles in Houston, Texas, today, and also all across the oil basins, because they know that it’s going to be harder to audit their taxes and probably likely to cost the state hundreds of millions of dollars,” he said.

Josephson said there will likely be several veto override votes taken up by the Legislature. “There will be attempts on multiple overrides. Multiple, multiple overrides,” he said, and hopes it includes an override vote to restore a policy bill addressing funding for teacher housing and Mount Edgecumbe High School in Sitka, and budget increases for infant learning programs. “So that’s going to be sort of interesting as well, because those veto override attempts must occur.”

After addressing the overrides, lawmakers could adjourn the special session without taking up either of the topics on the formal agenda.

Rep. Kevin McCabe, R-Big Lake, said he hopes that doesn’t happen and lawmakers consider creating a Department of Agriculture separate from the Department of Natural Resources.

Agriculture is currently overseen by a division within DNR, and McCabe said that recent wildfires in the Denali Borough show the need for DNR to be free to concentrate its attention on more important things without taking time away from agriculture.

Dunleavy addressed the issue in his statement announcing the session: “Splitting the Division of Agriculture away from DNR into a department will elevate food security and support our hard-working farmers while growing the agricultural sector.”

In May, lawmakers voted 32-28 to deny an executive order by Dunleavy to create a new Department of Agriculture, citing the proposal’s costs as well as creation through an executive order rather than as legislation, with public input.

Sen. Löki Tobin, D-Anchorage, chair of the Senate Education Committee, said by phone Wednesday that the Legislature passed legislation related to many of the governor’s policy priorities for education in May, including taking steps toward easing access for new charter school applications and expanding funding for career and technical education, as well as creating a task force to examine open enrollment and other measures. 

She said she was unclear what further education reforms the governor wants: “I haven’t heard from the governor nor any of his staff, about anything else that he would like to see happen within our public education system.”

In a video Dunleavy released when he vetoed the school policy bill, he said it “fell short” on the policies he sought, including on charter schools, reading improvement incentives and open enrollment.

Other legislators were skeptical that the special session would accomplish its stated goals.

“I don’t think it’s going to work, is it?” said Rep. Jamie Allard, R-Eagle River, on talk radio Wednesday morning. 

Senate Minority Leader Mike Shower, R-Wasilla, said he hadn’t spoken to the governor or any of his staff about the special session but said that sustaining the vetoes could be a primary objective.

“Honestly, I don’t know exactly what the intent is, or what the hope is for accomplishing (something), whether it’s PR or some kind of vote with people missing, or anything like that,” he said.

“Personally,” Shower said, “I’m not the biggest fan of special sessions, only because in my eight-plus years here, I’ve never seen them actually accomplish anything.”

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Cruise Passenger Missing after Hike in Juneau

Search and rescue crews in Juneau are looking for a missing cruise ship passenger who didn’t return from a hike Monday.

Police say 62-year-old Marites Buenafe, a Kentucky resident and passenger aboard the Norwegian Bliss, disembarked around 7:30 a.m. on July 1 and told family she planned to take the tram up the mountain and hike alone.

She never returned to the ship, which departed at 1:30 p.m.

Buenafe is described as 5’1″, about 110 pounds, with short black hair and brown eyes.

The Alaska State Troopers and Juneau Mountain Rescue launched a search operation, which remains ongoing.

Anyone with information is urged to contact authorities.

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Affordable Juneau Coalition succeeds in getting two initiatives on October’s Ballot

News of the North- Two tax-related propositions will appear on Juneau’s municipal ballot this fall. One seeks to cap the city’s property tax rate at nine mills, plus any extra needed to pay off voter-approved debt.

“The cap on the mill rate will make Juneau more affordable,” local attorney Joe Geldhof said. “Instead of just raising property taxes and getting more revenue, they’ll have to start making some considered choices on what it is Juneau really needs.”

Another proposal would include a sales tax exemption on groceries for personal consumption and sales of heating fuel, including wood, wood pellets and fuel oil for non-commercial use.

“For years now, the politicians down there have been talking about eliminating taxes primarily on groceries, and they never get around to doing it,” Geldhof said. “Pretty much everybody says, gee, why should a low-income or middle-income family pay sales tax on an essential like food or on their heating fuel? And a bunch of us finally decided they can’t figure it out, so we’re going to.”

Both initiatives aim to lower the cost of living.

A third petition to reinstate in-person voting didn’t gather enough signatures.

“By-mail voting is convenient in one sense, especially for the bureaucrats,” Geldhof added. “It also turns out to be fantastically more expensive than the old way where you’d go to your polling station. It also turns out to be way slower.”

City officials warn these changes could cut millions from the city’s budget, potentially leading to reduced services, Property taxes make up roughly 40% of the city’s general fund revenue.

Voting in this year’s municipal election ends on Tuesday, Oct. 7.

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ICE transfers detainees from Alaska prison, but questions remain around due process and conditions

The entrance to the Anchorage Correctional Complex is seen on Aug. 29, 2022. (Photo by Yereth Rosen/Alaska Beacon)

By: Corinne Smith, Alaska Beacon

The Alaska Department of Corrections announced that 35 men that were arrested and detained by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement from out of state and held at the Anchorage Correctional Complex were transferred out of state on Monday.

ICE transferred 42 men to Alaska from out of state on June 8, as part of an ongoing agreement between the Department of Corrections and the U.S. Department of Justice, amid a nationwide deportation crackdown. The move sparked daily protests, a fact-finding hearing by the Alaska House Judiciary Committee, and concerns from attorneys and the American Civil Liberties Union of Alaska around the punitive conditions of detention, violations of due process and criminal confinement.  

A spokesperson for the Department of Corrections said department Commissioner Jen Winkelman was not available for an interview on Tuesday to discuss the transfer, concerns around conditions of detention, and ongoing plans to house ICE detainees in Alaska.

“The ICE detainees who were transferred due to severe overcrowding in the Washington facility are no longer in the custody of the Alaska Department of Corrections,” said DOC spokesperson Betsy Holley in an email, in which she included the italics and underlining. She added that all questions on the details of the transfer should be directed to DHS/ICE. 

Cindy Woods, a senior immigration law and policy fellow with the ACLU of Alaska, said the transfer was not unexpected, since DOC had said they agreed to hold detainees for 30 days. She also said she and several other attorneys were not notified of the transfers. 

“Yesterday evening, I flagged the attorneys that I know represent folks who had been transferred, to let them know that they were being transferred again, and but none of them had been told by ICE prior to that,” she said. 

Woods said all the detainees were going through civil immigration proceedings, and faced no criminal charges. 

“These individuals were all in civil detention, so they were not being detained as part of an ongoing criminal proceeding. They were all in administrative immigration proceedings,” she said, and a number of the men have applied for or received asylum protections.

“And then there were also a handful of folks who were waiting for their immigration proceedings to commence,” she said. “And so (they) were waiting for the opportunity to speak with a judge about either a potential asylum claim or some other request for immigration relief.”

The ICE transfer of detainees to Alaska DOC custody raised serious concerns around standards of detention from legislators and advocates. Attorneys testified before the June 20 hearing of the Alaska House Judiciary Committee that despite no criminal charges, their clients reported that they were subject to lengthy lockdowns, overuse of handcuffs and overcrowding — sleeping three to a cell. In addition, they were denied or had limited access to calls with family and attorneys, regularly strip-searched after visits with attorneys, and subjected to use of force by DOC staff members, who pepper-sprayed a unit to stop a “verbal demonstration” on June 12, the attorneys said.

The ACLU of Alaska sent a letter on Saturday to Alaska state officials and ICE demanding detainees be removed from Anchorage Correctional Complex custody, and a stop to any additional transfers “unless and until constitutionally adequate conditions of confinement and attorney access can be guaranteed.”

The letter provided further detail on the pepper-spray incident: “This ‘verbal demonstration’ consisted of detainees requesting access to their belongings, including an individual who was trying to access his property to get the phone number for his consulate. Following the incident, many individuals experienced respiratory distress, including coughing, burning sensations in their mouth, nose, and eyes, and nosebleeds, and did not receive medical attention. They were also unable to change their clothes for an extended period of time.”

Holley said in the Department of Corrections’ emailed response to an interview request that the state did not make the call to transfer the detainees.

“The decision to transfer these detainees out of Alaska rested solely with the federal government. The decision was not influenced by the recent House Judiciary Committee hearing or the letter issued by the ACLU this past weekend,” Holley said. 

“It is important to note the Alaska DOC routinely houses both civil detainees and federal prisoners. While we do not currently know whether ICE will request additional placements in the future, the Alaska DOC remains fully prepared to support DHS/ICE in coordinated efforts that prioritize public safety and the efficient use of government resources.”

The ACLU filed a class action lawsuit against the Department of Corrections in May challenging what they say is “inadequate, dangerous and inhumane” health care provided for incarcerated Alaskans. 

Woods said the DOC protocols and detention conditions are unnecessary, and violated the men’s right to due process. “The conditions that they were all held in were punitive, whether or not that was the intention of the government, and such punitive nature are clearly outside the scope of the law, and especially when it comes to the standards and the requirements for civil detainees, who are not being held under criminal charges,” she said.

ICE did not respond to requests for comment about why the detainees were transferred to and from Alaska. Woods said she was able to search in the ICE inmate locator and confirm the men were transferred back to the ICE detention facility in Tacoma, Washington, with reportedly better conditions.

Woods said detainees reported the experience in DOC custody as humiliating.

“They were being held in really substandard conditions, being subjected to pepper spray and strip searches, and handcuffs, and all of those things. And so it was really hard for a lot of people to deal with that shift,” she said, referring to being transferred from Washington state to Alaska custody. “And especially because they were also largely cut off from those outside relationships that sustained them, particularly those who, you know, regularly spoke with their children and their parents and their loved ones who were not located in the United States — having that kind of completely shut off really impacted the individuals who experienced that.”

On Friday, seven U.S. congressional representatives from Washington and Oregon sent a letter to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security questioning why detainees were transferred to Alaska,  as well as the cost and criteria for who is transferred. The letter also raised concerns that “ICE is wasting taxpayer dollars, flying dozens of people between detention centers thousands of miles apart, in efforts that do nothing to help protect Americans.”

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How Alaska’s pivotal Republican senator decided to vote for Donald Trump’s bill

Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, center, a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee, arrives for a closed-door Republican meeting to advance President Donald Trump’s sweeping domestic policy bill, at the Capitol in Washington, Friday, June 27, 2025. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

AP- Just after midnight, Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski was pacing in a Senate hallway, alone and looking concerned.

It had suddenly become clear to all her Republican colleagues that her vote would be their best chance of passing President Donald Trump’s sweeping bill of tax and spending cuts. Had she decided whether she would support the bill? “No,” Murkowski said, shaking her head and putting her hand up to signal that she didn’t want to answer any questions.

Around 12 hours later, after she had convinced Senate leaders to change the bill to benefit her state and voted for the legislation, ensuring its passage, Murkowski said the last day had been “probably the most difficult and agonizing legislative 24-hour period that I have encountered.”

“And you all know,” she told reporters after the vote at midday Tuesday, “I’ve got a few battle scars underneath me.”

This isn’t Murkowski’s first tough vote

Murkowski has been in the Senate for nearly 23 years, and she has taken a lot of tough votes as a moderate Republican who often breaks with her party. So she knew what she was doing when she managed to leverage the pressure campaign against her into several new programs that benefit her very rural state, including special carveouts for Medicaid and food assistance.

“Lisa can withstand pressure,” said Maine Sen. Susan Collins, a fellow Republican moderate and longtime friend. Collins said she spoke to Murkowski on Monday when she was still undecided, and “I know it was a difficult decision for her, and I also know how much thought she put into it.”

Texas Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, who has also served with Murkowski for two decades, was more blunt: “She knows how to use her leverage,” he said.

The 887-page bill narrowly passed by the Senate on Tuesday — and now headed back to the House for possible passage — mentions California three times, Texas twice and New York not at all. But Alaska is in the bill 19 times, from new oil and gas lease sales in the state to tax breaks for Alaska fisheries and whalers to tribal exemptions for work requirements.

Even with all the provisions for Alaska, Murkowski was deeply torn up until the hours just before the vote, when the entire Senate was focused on what she would do — and as Republicans were pressuring her to support the bill and move the party one step closer to giving Trump a win.

She had always supported the bill’s tax cuts and extensions, but she had serious concerns about the repercussions of cutting Medicaid in her state and around the country.

She got much of what she wanted

Murkowski eventually decided to support the legislation in the hours after the Senate parliamentarian approved language to allow several states with the worst error rates in the food stamp program — including Alaska — to put off having to pay a greater portion of the cost of federal benefits, and after Republicans added a $50 billion fund proposed by Collins to help rural hospitals that might otherwise be hurt by Medicaid cuts.

Even with the fund included, Collins was one of three Republicans who voted no on the bill, arguing that the cuts to Medicaid and food stamps would hit her small rural state especially hard. But she said she understands why Murkowski would support it and negotiate special treatment for her state. “The fact is, Alaska is unique from every other state,” Collins said.

Nearly one-third of Alaska’s total population is covered by Medicaid, and the state has long struggled with high health care costs and limited health services in many communities. Most Alaska communities are not connected to the state’s main road system, meaning that many residents, particularly those in small, remote villages, need to fly to a larger city for certain kinds of care. Food security is also a longstanding concern, as the remote nature of many communities means food often is barged or flown in, and options can be limited and expensive.

“I had to look on balance, because the people in my state are the ones that I put first,” Murkowski said immediately after the vote. “We do not have a perfect bill by any stretch of the imagination.”

Some of her colleagues who voted against the bill were critical. “They chose to add more pork and subsidies for Alaska to secure that vote,” said Republican Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky.

Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, the top Democrat on the Senate Agriculture Committee, which oversees the food stamp benefits, said that the food stamp provision would incentivize states with the worst oversight, which was the opposite of what Republicans originally intended. The provision would “expand the graft,” Klobuchar said.

Lots of eyes have been on Murkowski

Murkowski, often accompanied by Collins, has been under a microscope for almost every major vote in the Senate in recent years. In February 2021, she joined six other Republicans and all Democrats in voting to convict Trump for inciting the Jan. 6, 2021, attack of his supporters on the Capitol after the House impeached him for a second time. In 2018, she opposed the confirmation of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh amid sexual misconduct claims, ultimately voting “present.”

So as Murkowski was wooed for days by Republican leaders and many of her colleagues to vote for the tax and spending cuts package, it was somewhat familiar territory — and an ideal environment for her to win some concessions in favor of her state.

On Monday evening and early Tuesday, Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., and Sen. John Barrasso of Wyoming, the No. 2 Senate Republican, spent hours on the Senate floor talking to Murkowski — who was sometimes wrapped in a blanket to stay warm in the frigid chamber. Alaska Sen. Dan Sullivan, a Republican, would sometimes join the group, as did Senate Budget Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham, R-S.C.

As she mulled her vote, Murkowski sorted through drafts of amendments and talked to aides. And despite longstanding criticism of Trump, she communicated with White House officials who made the case that the measure would ultimately be a positive for her state and constituents.

Thune had said for weeks that he would hold a vote as soon as he had 51 senators supporting the legislation. And after days of delays, it became clear Tuesday morning that Murkowski had decided to support it when Thune told senators to come to the floor and scheduled a vote within the hour.

Murkowski, still looking a bit worried, voted “aye.” After the vote, she said: “I haven’t slept in a long, long while now.”