News of the North- Two tax-related propositions will appear on Juneau’s municipal ballot this fall. One seeks to cap the city’s property tax rate at nine mills, plus any extra needed to pay off voter-approved debt.
“The cap on the mill rate will make Juneau more affordable,” local attorney Joe Geldhof said. “Instead of just raising property taxes and getting more revenue, they’ll have to start making some considered choices on what it is Juneau really needs.”
Another proposal would include a sales tax exemption on groceries for personal consumption and sales of heating fuel, including wood, wood pellets and fuel oil for non-commercial use.
“For years now, the politicians down there have been talking about eliminating taxes primarily on groceries, and they never get around to doing it,” Geldhof said. “Pretty much everybody says, gee, why should a low-income or middle-income family pay sales tax on an essential like food or on their heating fuel? And a bunch of us finally decided they can’t figure it out, so we’re going to.”
Both initiatives aim to lower the cost of living.
A third petition to reinstate in-person voting didn’t gather enough signatures.
“By-mail voting is convenient in one sense, especially for the bureaucrats,” Geldhof added. “It also turns out to be fantastically more expensive than the old way where you’d go to your polling station. It also turns out to be way slower.”
City officials warn these changes could cut millions from the city’s budget, potentially leading to reduced services, Property taxes make up roughly 40% of the city’s general fund revenue.
Voting in this year’s municipal election ends on Tuesday, Oct. 7.
The entrance to the Anchorage Correctional Complex is seen on Aug. 29, 2022. (Photo by Yereth Rosen/Alaska Beacon)
By: Corinne Smith, Alaska Beacon
The Alaska Department of Corrections announced that 35 men that were arrested and detained by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement from out of state and held at the Anchorage Correctional Complex were transferred out of state on Monday.
ICE transferred 42 men to Alaska from out of state on June 8, as part of an ongoing agreement between the Department of Corrections and the U.S. Department of Justice, amid a nationwide deportation crackdown. The move sparked daily protests, a fact-finding hearing by the Alaska House Judiciary Committee, and concerns from attorneys and the American Civil Liberties Union of Alaska around the punitive conditions of detention, violations of due process and criminal confinement.
A spokesperson for the Department of Corrections said department Commissioner Jen Winkelman was not available for an interview on Tuesday to discuss the transfer, concerns around conditions of detention, and ongoing plans to house ICE detainees in Alaska.
“The ICE detainees who were transferred due to severe overcrowding in the Washington facility are no longer in the custody of the Alaska Department of Corrections,” said DOC spokesperson Betsy Holley in an email, in which she included the italics and underlining. She added that all questions on the details of the transfer should be directed to DHS/ICE.
Cindy Woods, a senior immigration law and policy fellow with the ACLU of Alaska, said the transfer was not unexpected, since DOC had said they agreed to hold detainees for 30 days. She also said she and several other attorneys were not notified of the transfers.
“Yesterday evening, I flagged the attorneys that I know represent folks who had been transferred, to let them know that they were being transferred again, and but none of them had been told by ICE prior to that,” she said.
Woods said all the detainees were going through civil immigration proceedings, and faced no criminal charges.
“These individuals were all in civil detention, so they were not being detained as part of an ongoing criminal proceeding. They were all in administrative immigration proceedings,” she said, and a number of the men have applied for or received asylum protections.
“And then there were also a handful of folks who were waiting for their immigration proceedings to commence,” she said. “And so (they) were waiting for the opportunity to speak with a judge about either a potential asylum claim or some other request for immigration relief.”
The ICE transfer of detainees to Alaska DOC custody raised serious concerns around standards of detention from legislators and advocates. Attorneys testified before the June 20 hearing of the Alaska House Judiciary Committee that despite no criminal charges, their clients reported that they were subject to lengthy lockdowns, overuse of handcuffs and overcrowding — sleeping three to a cell. In addition, they were denied or had limited access to calls with family and attorneys, regularly strip-searched after visits with attorneys, and subjected to use of force by DOC staff members, who pepper-sprayed a unit to stop a “verbal demonstration” on June 12, the attorneys said.
The ACLU of Alaska sent a letter on Saturday to Alaska state officials and ICE demanding detainees be removed from Anchorage Correctional Complex custody, and a stop to any additional transfers “unless and until constitutionally adequate conditions of confinement and attorney access can be guaranteed.”
The letter provided further detail on the pepper-spray incident: “This ‘verbal demonstration’ consisted of detainees requesting access to their belongings, including an individual who was trying to access his property to get the phone number for his consulate. Following the incident, many individuals experienced respiratory distress, including coughing, burning sensations in their mouth, nose, and eyes, and nosebleeds, and did not receive medical attention. They were also unable to change their clothes for an extended period of time.”
Holley said in the Department of Corrections’ emailed response to an interview request that the state did not make the call to transfer the detainees.
“The decision to transfer these detainees out of Alaska rested solely with the federal government. The decision was not influenced by the recent House Judiciary Committee hearing or the letter issued by the ACLU this past weekend,” Holley said.
“It is important to note the Alaska DOC routinely houses both civil detainees and federal prisoners. While we do not currently know whether ICE will request additional placements in the future, the Alaska DOC remains fully prepared to support DHS/ICE in coordinated efforts that prioritize public safety and the efficient use of government resources.”
The ACLU filed a class action lawsuit against the Department of Corrections in May challenging what they say is “inadequate, dangerous and inhumane” health care provided for incarcerated Alaskans.
Woods said the DOC protocols and detention conditions are unnecessary, and violated the men’s right to due process. “The conditions that they were all held in were punitive, whether or not that was the intention of the government, and such punitive nature are clearly outside the scope of the law, and especially when it comes to the standards and the requirements for civil detainees, who are not being held under criminal charges,” she said.
ICE did not respond to requests for comment about why the detainees were transferred to and from Alaska. Woods said she was able to search in the ICE inmate locator and confirm the men were transferred back to the ICE detention facility in Tacoma, Washington, with reportedly better conditions.
Woods said detainees reported the experience in DOC custody as humiliating.
“They were being held in really substandard conditions, being subjected to pepper spray and strip searches, and handcuffs, and all of those things. And so it was really hard for a lot of people to deal with that shift,” she said, referring to being transferred from Washington state to Alaska custody. “And especially because they were also largely cut off from those outside relationships that sustained them, particularly those who, you know, regularly spoke with their children and their parents and their loved ones who were not located in the United States — having that kind of completely shut off really impacted the individuals who experienced that.”
On Friday, seven U.S. congressional representatives from Washington and Oregon sent a letter to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security questioning why detainees were transferred to Alaska, as well as the cost and criteria for who is transferred. The letter also raised concerns that “ICE is wasting taxpayer dollars, flying dozens of people between detention centers thousands of miles apart, in efforts that do nothing to help protect Americans.”
Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, center, a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee, arrives for a closed-door Republican meeting to advance President Donald Trump's sweeping domestic policy bill, at the Capitol in Washington, Friday, June 27, 2025. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)
Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, center, a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee, arrives for a closed-door Republican meeting to advance President Donald Trump’s sweeping domestic policy bill, at the Capitol in Washington, Friday, June 27, 2025. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)
AP- Just after midnight, Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski was pacing in a Senate hallway, alone and looking concerned.
It had suddenly become clear to all her Republican colleagues that her vote would be their best chance of passing President Donald Trump’s sweeping bill of tax and spending cuts. Had she decided whether she would support the bill? “No,” Murkowski said, shaking her head and putting her hand up to signal that she didn’t want to answer any questions.
Around 12 hours later, after she had convinced Senate leaders to change the bill to benefit her state and voted for the legislation, ensuring its passage, Murkowski said the last day had been “probably the most difficult and agonizing legislative 24-hour period that I have encountered.”
“And you all know,” she told reporters after the vote at midday Tuesday, “I’ve got a few battle scars underneath me.”
This isn’t Murkowski’s first tough vote
Murkowski has been in the Senate for nearly 23 years, and she has taken a lot of tough votes as a moderate Republican who often breaks with her party. So she knew what she was doing when she managed to leverage the pressure campaign against her into several new programs that benefit her very rural state, including special carveouts for Medicaid and food assistance.
“Lisa can withstand pressure,” said Maine Sen. Susan Collins, a fellow Republican moderate and longtime friend. Collins said she spoke to Murkowski on Monday when she was still undecided, and “I know it was a difficult decision for her, and I also know how much thought she put into it.”
Texas Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, who has also served with Murkowski for two decades, was more blunt: “She knows how to use her leverage,” he said.
The 887-page bill narrowly passed by the Senate on Tuesday — and now headed back to the House for possible passage — mentions California three times, Texas twice and New York not at all. But Alaska is in the bill 19 times, from new oil and gas lease sales in the state to tax breaks for Alaska fisheries and whalers to tribal exemptions for work requirements.
Even with all the provisions for Alaska, Murkowski was deeply torn up until the hours just before the vote, when the entire Senate was focused on what she would do — and as Republicans were pressuring her to support the bill and move the party one step closer to giving Trump a win.
She had always supported the bill’s tax cuts and extensions, but she had serious concerns about the repercussions of cutting Medicaid in her state and around the country.
She got much of what she wanted
Murkowski eventually decided to support the legislation in the hours after the Senate parliamentarian approved language to allow several states with the worst error rates in the food stamp program — including Alaska — to put off having to pay a greater portion of the cost of federal benefits, and after Republicans added a $50 billion fund proposed by Collins to help rural hospitals that might otherwise be hurt by Medicaid cuts.
Even with the fund included, Collins was one of three Republicans who voted no on the bill, arguing that the cuts to Medicaid and food stamps would hit her small rural state especially hard. But she said she understands why Murkowski would support it and negotiate special treatment for her state. “The fact is, Alaska is unique from every other state,” Collins said.
Nearly one-third of Alaska’s total population is covered by Medicaid, and the state has long struggled with high health care costs and limited health services in many communities. Most Alaska communities are not connected to the state’s main road system, meaning that many residents, particularly those in small, remote villages, need to fly to a larger city for certain kinds of care. Food security is also a longstanding concern, as the remote nature of many communities means food often is barged or flown in, and options can be limited and expensive.
“I had to look on balance, because the people in my state are the ones that I put first,” Murkowski said immediately after the vote. “We do not have a perfect bill by any stretch of the imagination.”
Some of her colleagues who voted against the bill were critical. “They chose to add more pork and subsidies for Alaska to secure that vote,” said Republican Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky.
Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, the top Democrat on the Senate Agriculture Committee, which oversees the food stamp benefits, said that the food stamp provision would incentivize states with the worst oversight, which was the opposite of what Republicans originally intended. The provision would “expand the graft,” Klobuchar said.
Lots of eyes have been on Murkowski
Murkowski, often accompanied by Collins, has been under a microscope for almost every major vote in the Senate in recent years. In February 2021, she joined six other Republicans and all Democrats in voting to convict Trump for inciting the Jan. 6, 2021, attack of his supporters on the Capitol after the House impeached him for a second time. In 2018, she opposed the confirmation of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh amid sexual misconduct claims, ultimately voting “present.”
So as Murkowski was wooed for days by Republican leaders and many of her colleagues to vote for the tax and spending cuts package, it was somewhat familiar territory — and an ideal environment for her to win some concessions in favor of her state.
On Monday evening and early Tuesday, Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., and Sen. John Barrasso of Wyoming, the No. 2 Senate Republican, spent hours on the Senate floor talking to Murkowski — who was sometimes wrapped in a blanket to stay warm in the frigid chamber. Alaska Sen. Dan Sullivan, a Republican, would sometimes join the group, as did Senate Budget Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham, R-S.C.
As she mulled her vote, Murkowski sorted through drafts of amendments and talked to aides. And despite longstanding criticism of Trump, she communicated with White House officials who made the case that the measure would ultimately be a positive for her state and constituents.
Thune had said for weeks that he would hold a vote as soon as he had 51 senators supporting the legislation. And after days of delays, it became clear Tuesday morning that Murkowski had decided to support it when Thune told senators to come to the floor and scheduled a vote within the hour.
Murkowski, still looking a bit worried, voted “aye.” After the vote, she said: “I haven’t slept in a long, long while now.”
AP- Senate Republicans hauled President Donald Trump’s big tax breaks and spending cuts bill to passage Tuesday on the narrowest of votes, pushing past opposition from Democrats and their own GOP ranks after a turbulent overnight session.
The outcome capped an unusually tense weekend of work at the Capitol, the president’s signature legislative priority teetering on the edge of approval, or collapse.
The difficulty it took for Republicans, who have the majority hold in Congress, to wrestle the bill to this point is not expected to let up. The package now goes back to the House, where Speaker Mike Johnson had warned senators not to deviate too far from what his chamber had already approved. But the Senate did make changes, particularly to Medicaid, risking more problems as they race to finish by Trump’s Fourth of July deadline.
The outcome is a pivotal moment for president and his party, which have been consumed by the 940-page “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” as it’s formally titled, and invested their political capital in delivering on the GOP’s sweep of power in Washington.
“I don’t want to go too crazy with cuts,” he said. “I don’t like cuts.”
What started as a routine but laborious day of amendment voting, in a process called vote-a-rama, spiraled into a round-the-clock slog as Republican leaders were buying time to shore up support.
The droning roll calls in the chamber belied the frenzied action to steady the bill. Grim-faced scenes played out on and off the Senate floor, amid exhaustion.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune of South Dakota was desperately reaching for last-minute agreements between those in his party worried the bill’s reductions to Medicaid will leave millions without care, and his most conservative flank, which wants even steeper cuts to hold down deficits ballooning with the tax cuts.
The GOP leaders have no room to spare, with narrow majorities. Thune can lose no more than three Republican senators, and already two — Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, who warned that millions of people will lose access to Medicaid health care, and Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky, who opposes raising the debt limit by $5 trillion — had indicated opposition.
Attention quickly turned to two key senators, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine, who also raised concerns about health care cuts, as well as a loose coalition of four conservative GOP senators pushing for even steeper reductions.
Murkowski in particular became the subject of the GOP leadership’s attention, as they sat beside her for talks. She was huddled intensely for more than an hour in the back of the chamber with others, scribbling notes on papers.
Then all eyes were on Paul after he returned from a visit to Thune’s office with a stunning offer that could win his vote. He had suggested substantially lowering the bill’s increase in the debt ceiling, according to two people familiar with the private meeting and granted anonymity to discuss it.
Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer of New York said “Republicans are in shambles because they know the bill is so unpopular.”
And on social media, billionaire Elon Musk was again lashing out at Republicans as “the PORKY PIG PARTY!!” for including the $5 trillion debt ceiling in the package, which is needed to allow continued borrowing to pay the bills.
Senators insist on changes
Few Republicans appeared fully satisfied as the final package emerges, in either the House or Senate.
Collins had proposed bolstering the $25 billion proposed rural hospital fund to $50 billion, offset with a higher tax rate on those earning more than $25 million a year, but her amendment failed.
And Murkowski was trying to secure provisions to spare people in her state from some food stamp cuts, which appeared to be accepted, while she was also working to beef up federal reimbursements to hospitals in Alaska and others states, that did not comply with parliamentary rules.
“Radio silence,” Murkowski said when asked how she would vote.
The conservative senators demanding a vote on their steeper health care cuts, including Rick Scott of Florida, Mike Lee of Utah, Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and Cynthia Lummis of Wyoming, filed into Thune’s office near-midnight.
What’s in the big bill
All told, the Senate bill includes $4.5 trillion in tax cuts, according to the latest CBO analysis, making permanent Trump’s 2017 rates, which would expire at the end of the year if Congress fails to act, while adding the new ones he campaigned on, including no taxes on tips.
The Senate package would roll back billions of dollars in green energy tax credits, which Democrats warn will wipe out wind and solar investments nationwide. It would impose $1.2 trillion in cuts, largely to Medicaid and food stamps, by imposing work requirements on able-bodied people, including some parents and older Americans, making sign-up eligibility more stringent and changing federal reimbursements to states.
Additionally, the bill would provide a $350 billion infusion for border and national security, including for deportations, some of it paid for with new fees charged to immigrants.
Democrats fighting all day and night
Unable to stop the march toward passage, the Democrats tried to drag out the process, including with a weekend reading of the full bill.
A few of the Democratic amendments won support from a few Republicans, though almost none were passing. More were considered in one of the longer such sessions in modern times.
One amendment overwhelmingly approved stripped a provision barring states from regulating artificial intelligence if they receive certain federal funding.
Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, the ranking Democrat on the Appropriations Committee, raised particular concern about the accounting method being used by the Republicans, which says the tax breaks from Trump’s first term are now “current policy” and the cost of extending them should not be counted toward deficits.
She said that kind of “magic math” won’t fly with Americans trying to balance their own household books.
The Alaska State Capitol is seen during the last week of the 2025 session on May 19, 2025. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)
By: Corinne Smith, Alaska Beacon
As many Alaska school districts grapple with steep budget deficits, and in the wake of Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s partial veto of an increase to per-student funding, the Alaska State Legislature has launched a joint bipartisan task force to focus on education funding.
The Legislature approved a $700 increase per student to the funding formula, but earlier this month the governor vetoed more than $50 million in education-related funding from the state’s budget, including a portion of the per-student increase, pushing it down to $500 per student.
Some lawmakers and education officials have expressed outrage and disappointment at the governor’s budget cuts, with leadership of both the House and Senate promising to hold a vote to override the budget veto to partially restore funding to schools, in the first five days of the January 2026 session. The Legislature previously overrode Dunleavy’s veto of a separate bill that enshrined the $700 increase as policy in state law; it required funding in the budget bill to put the increase into practice.
In the meantime, the task force, created by House Bill 57, will look at a wide range of financial challenges and school policies. It’s charged with making recommendations before the 35th Alaska State Legislature convenes in January 2027.
“This is a ‘yes, and’ moment,” said task force co-chair Rep. Rebecca Himschoot, I-Sitka, in a phone interview. “Is there a way by looking more globally at issues, that we can help contain some of those rising costs that districts have? But the fact remains that we haven’t given a significant increase to education in over 10 years.”
Rep. Rebecca Himschoot, I-Sitka, speaks in favor of a veto override on House Bill 69 on Tuesday, April 22, 2025. Himschoot also serves as co-chair of the House Education Committee and now co-chair of the education funding task force. (Photo by James Brooks/Alaska Beacon)
Education funding has been at the heart of Alaska’s ongoing political and financial debates among Dunleavy and the Legislature — as well as school officials, families and local municipalities — around state funding, policy changes, and how to improve students’ performance and learning outcomes. In a short video released the day of the line-item budget veto, Dunleavy cited declining state revenues and repeated his conviction that increasing education funding will not necessarily improve outcomes without policy changes.
The joint task force is set to start work in August, Himschoot said, and will not only look at how the state funds school districts, but also how it can address rising costs of transportation, energy, health insurance and school maintenance.
“We’re seeing double-digit increases in insurance costs, we’re seeing double-digit increases in energy costs. Is there something we can do to either arrest those increases, or a separate funding stream we should use?” she said.
“There’s been a lot of interest in trying to create some sort of an insurance pool to help with those costs,” she said, adding of the task force’s goals: “In general, examine the big picture to try to get down to that, so to speak, smaller picture of the annual funding cycle.”
Himschoot said solutions will vary as widely as Alaska’s 54 school districts, and the task force can take time on issues not afforded during the fast-paced legislative session.
“We can tweak individual levers of funding during the session. We can look at how we’re funding career and technical education and say, ‘We want to fund it more. We want to fund it less. We want to use this other mechanism or this other fund source,’” she said. “So by doing this work during the interim over the next two years, it gives us time to ask questions, which often lead to more questions, and during the session, it can be very difficult, on a very tight timeline, and bring in all the different perspectives that need to be heard.”
The task force is planning to meet monthly and meetings will be open to the public, Himschoot said. “It’s super important that this is a process that anyone and everyone can participate in,” she said. “That’s the only way that it has any real value.”
Republican member Sen. Mike Cronk, a former teacher and representative for the large Interior District R that includes nine school districts, said he sees participation from school officials as mandatory. “I’ve already talked to numerous superintendents in my district, and I am going to require some of their input on certain things, because they’re the experts,” he said, in a phone interview. “I believe that’s the buy-in. I don’t believe ‘legislators’ singular, should be making these decisions. We need buy-in from everybody.”
Then-Rep. Mike Cronk, R-Tok, speaks to a fellow lawmaker on Wednesday, Feb. 21, 2024. Cronk, now a senator, was appointed to the new education funding task force. (Photo by James Brooks/Alaska Beacon)
Cronk said he wants the task force to create an ongoing, stable fiscal plan for funding schools.
“We’re spinning our wheels. We just continue to not actually solve anything as a Legislature. We just prolong it to the next year, and the next year,” he said, after five years in the Legislature. “So that’s my desire, is to make sure that we have a fiscal plan in place where, if education needs more funding, we have the ability to get that. Or if roads need more attention, we have the ability to get more funding for that versus this. Just, ‘hey, oil prices are great, we could fund everything.’ Or ‘oil prices aren’t so good. Oh boy, we’re in a crisis situation.’ We shouldn’t be there. We should be working together, you know, for the betterment of Alaska.”
Cronk said he understands the governor’s concerns but disagreed with his partial veto of the school funding increase. “I respect the governor: He’s a separate office than the Legislature, so he has the ability to make decisions what he feels best, you know, and I feel the more we respect that, the better off we’ll all be working together,” he said. “But again, the override vote of the initial bill, I think, was pretty strong and showed that for the most part, most of us supported the increase.”
The task force will also examine student performance and accountability measures, including absenteeism, as well as policy changes sought by the governor throughout the session, like open enrollment, easing the application process for charter schools, and reading incentive grants.
Cronk said he’s open to looking at all policy changes to improve outcomes. “It’s not just straight up, how do we fund better? It’s, ‘How do we make our education system better for all students?’ So that’s what I hope to focus on,” he said.
Task force member Rep. Justin Ruffridge, R-Soldotna, said he’s interested in looking at the school funding formula. “So from some of the issues in the formula itself, like school size factor and district cost factor, which some of those haven’t been updated in decades, as well as some of the issues from the federal government, things like the disparity test,” he said, referring to the state failing a federal test and now proposing capping local municipalities’ contributions to their schools.
Rep. Justin Ruffridge, R-Soldotna, addresses the House during the debate on the school funding bill on Mar 10, 2025. He is a member of the House minority caucus and was appointed to the education funding task force. (Photo by Corinne Smith/Alaska Beacon)
“A task force is well suited to come out with some recommendations,” he said. “I think that we also need to discuss accountability measures, so things like testing, how we test, how we talk about testing … open enrollment, how does that affect Alaska schools? How does it affect military bases? There’s a lot that we have to look at.”
Ruffridge said he’s also focused on teacher recruitment and retention, and incentives for local residents to become certified teachers. “So developing an apprenticeship track to be engaged with teachers, and really growing some of our teachers in their homes and in their communities, I think, is a really good idea,” he said.
He and Cronk both said they hope the task force will be less of a political and more of an advisory body, “where … you take the time to understand these deeper, complex funding elements or other policy measures and bring forward a draft recommendation of ways that we could make things better — and then that would need to go through the political process,” Ruffridge said. “So, trying to be a little more apolitical.”
The task force also includes co-chair Sen. Löki Tobin, D-Anchorage; Sen. Jesse Kiehl, D-Juneau; and Rep. Andi Story, D-Juneau.
Many school districts are facing millions in budget shortfalls, and with Dunleavy’s budget veto, school boards are going back into budget meetings this summer to make further cuts to programs and staff.
Himschoot addressed criticism of the Legislature not calling an emergency special session this summer to override the line-item veto, saying some legislators are out of the country and unavailable and there is more of a possibility of having the votes to override in January.
“So the problem is, can we get everyone together? And if we do, will their votes hold? We know for sure we can get everyone together in January. We don’t know that we’ll have the votes, not now and not in January,” she said. “And so we are working on it.”
The task force will present recommendations in a report on the first day of the January 2027 session, the same month the task force sunsets.
