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With gas crunch looming, Alaska utilities won’t get big wind before tax credits expire

By: Nathaniel Herz, Northern Journal

May 14, 2018 – Wind turbines in Kodiak, Alaska. (Photo by Dennis Schroeder / NREL)

For years, urban Alaska utilities have been studying large-scale wind farms that could help break the state’s dependence on natural gas power — encouraged by the potential for hundreds of millions of dollars in tax credits from the federal government.

Next summer, however, those tax credits will largely disappear for projects that haven’t started construction, a consequence of the tax bill that President Donald Trump signed in July.

Clean energy advocates, and U.S. Sen. Lisa Murkowski, had said they hoped that Alaska wind projects could still advance in time to qualify.

But in recent weeks, board members and executives at the cooperatively owned utilities have acknowledged that the timeline now appears too short — which means any large-scale projects will now have to be built without the generous federal subsidies, or wait to see if Congress reestablishes a more favorable tax regime.

Critics say the absence of major new renewable projects will leave the state dependent on imported, liquefied natural gas and could make consumers vulnerable to price spikes.

“There’s an argument to be made that these electric cooperatives, whose boards have a fiduciary responsibility to the member-owners, have really frittered away one of the greatest opportunities they’ve ever had to deliver hundreds of millions of dollars of value to their members,” said Phil Wight, an energy historian and professor at University of Alaska Fairbanks. “At the highest level, I think that’s a fair argument.”

Since Congress approved expanded tax credits in 2022, Alaska has seen no large-scale wind or solar projects begin construction, while other states like Wyoming and Texas have received billions of dollars in clean energy investment.

At a recent meeting, board members at Golden Valley Electric Association, the utility that generates power for Fairbanks area residents and mines, rejected a developer’s bid to advance a large-scale wind farm on a schedule driven by the expiring tax credits. Utility officials said there was still too much uncertainty about final pricing and whether the project could capture the credits.

Meanwhile, officials at Anchorage-based Chugach Electric Association, the state’s largest power utility, say that another large wind project they’ve been studying with the same developer also won’t be ready to start construction in time to qualify for the credits.

Jim Nordlund, a Chugach Electric Association board member, said that if the Anchorage-area project had captured the credits, it was still far from clear that it could have provided power more cheaply than his utility’s existing natural gas plants.

That’s even assuming prices will rise when local fuel supplies dry up and utilities begin importing liquefied natural gas in the next few years, added Nordlund, a self-described clean energy advocate.

The price of renewable power generally, he said, “is really high.”

Alaskans who are frustrated about the pace of wind and solar development shouldn’t blame the urban utilities, Nordlund added. Private companies, not the utilities themselves, have been advancing projects that failed to materialize, he said, and politics also played a big role.

“If you want to blame anybody for this, it would be that big bad bill. That’s what Trump wanted to do, and it worked,” Nordlund said. “It shut down, at least for the time being, our projects.”

But renewable energy boosters say that the urban utilities deserve at least some share of the blame for not advancing projects more urgently while the tax credits were in place.

The utilities could have developed large wind developments themselves, those advocates argue — or they could have done more to create a stable and attractive market for private developers.

“The utilities are uniquely bureaucratic and expensive in their own self-development. And they’re uniquely bureaucratic and obstinate and slow if a private company is developing,” said Ethan Schutt, who formerly managed the energy assets of an Indigenous-owned regional corporation.

Advocates say utility leaders have also failed to endorse, and in some cases outright opposed, legislation proposed multiple times in recent years to establish renewable energy quotas — which they say could have encouraged more private developers to work in the state.

Large-scale power projects “need to be thoughtfully implemented,” Natalie Kiley-Bergen, energy lead at an advocacy organization called Alaska Public Interest Research Group, said in an email.

“Had more progress been made in the last five years — even the last 15 years — to create a competitive market environment with regulatory and economic certainty for these projects, we could have seen responsible project commitments regardless of federal changes,” Kiley-Bergen said. “Not capitalizing on these tax credits is a product of years of moving slowly on the tremendous opportunities to diversify our energy generation.”

A risk of price spikes?

After its initial discovery in the 1950s, Cook Inlet, the offshore and onshore petroleum basin southwest of Anchorage, produced huge quantities of natural gas.

There was enough fuel to generate not just the vast majority of the region’s electric power, but also to supply plants that produced fertilizer and exported gas in liquefied form to Asia.

But those plants have now closed amid Cook Inlet production declines. And for more than a decade, the urban electric utilities have been contending with risk that gas supply won’t be adequate to meet demand.

Generous state tax credits temporarily approved by lawmakers in 2010 helped stimulate new drilling, but only temporarily, and they were subsequently repealed. Three years ago, Cook Inlet’s dominant producer, Hilcorp, warned utilities that they should not expect new long-term commitments of gas when their existing contracts expire in the coming years.

Clean energy advocates say that Alaskans’ dependence on gas-fired power — Chugach Electric Association generates 87% of its power from the fuel — makes residents vulnerable to both supply disruptions and fluctuations in price.

The utilities have responded to the looming local gas shortfall with plans for new infrastructure that could offload imported liquefied natural gas, known as LNG, shipped from Canada or the Gulf of Mexico.

But unlike gas from Cook Inlet, which producers have long sold at a fixed cost, utilities would likely have to buy LNG at rates that swing with the market, similar to the price of oil, according to Antony Scott, an analyst at the Renewable Energy Alaska Project advocacy group who once studied petroleum pricing for Alaska’s state government.

Given the risk of price spikes that could translate into higher electricity prices for consumers, diversifying with new wind and solar development should be a “no-brainer,” Scott said.

“It’s just like an investment portfolio. Do you want to invest only in Tesla?” Scott said. “A rational, prudent investor would have a diversified portfolio.”

Scott’s advocacy group, and others in Alaska, have pushed the utilities to diversify, in part through lobbying for the creation of the renewable energy quotas.

They cite analyses like a study released last year by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory, which found that new renewables would be cheaper than burning gas in existing plants and, by 2040, could meet up to 80% of demand.

“Ratepayers in Alaska have been saying, for a long time, that we need renewable energy projects here at home, and we need to be capturing energy here at home,” said Alex Petkanas, clean energy and climate program manager at the Alaska Center conservation group. “This is not something that is a surprise — that our local natural gas supply is ending, and we need to replace that with new generation.”

A rejected agreement

Utility staff and board members agree that they need to diversify away from gas, with the chief executive of Matanuska Electric Association saying in 2022 that it was “untenable” to continue generating 85% of power from one type of fuel.

Chugach Electric Association aims to cut its carbon emissions in half by 2040, which would likely require sharp reduction in its use of natural gas. And a Golden Valley Electric Association strategic plan approved last year calls for the utility to finalize agreements with private developers to bring on “large-scale wind resources” at prices that will lower members’ power costs.

None of those utilities have moved to build major wind or solar farms themselves; instead, they’ve looked to private companies to do the construction and sell the power onto the grid.

Just one firm, Longroad Energy, has advanced large-scale wind projects on a timeline that could have qualified for the expiring tax credits. One is outside Anchorage in Chugach Electric Association’s region, and one is outside Fairbanks, in Golden Valley Electric Association’s region.

The Fairbanks area project, known as Shovel Creek Wind, could produce one-third of the power consumed by Golden Valley’s members — and even generate more than 100% of their demand at certain times, depending on the size of the development, said Golden Valley’s chief executive, Travis Million.

But at a July board meeting, Golden Valley’s board members rejected an agreement that Longroad had proposed to keep the project on a timeline to qualify for the credits.

Golden Valley, said Million, still needed more time to finish a study of how much it would have to spend on infrastructure upgrades and its existing fossil fuel plants in order to accommodate power from the new wind project. Utilities must balance swings in power production that stem from the natural variability of wind.

“Without having that step done, there’s just so much uncertainty about the cost. And not knowing what that end result would be to our members, we just could not commit,” Million said in a recent interview. The details of the proposed agreement — including Longroad’s estimated pricing — are confidential under a non-disclosure agreement.

There was additional uncertainty, Million added, about whether the Trump administration, which has been hostile to wind power, would grant the credits even if Shovel Creek advanced on the required timeline.

But Million also acknowledged that the utility could have done more work earlier to speed up the process.

“We should have done a lot of these studies on the front end, to really understand sizing and needs on Golden Valley’s system, before we really started going down this path with trying to find developers,” Million said.

Longroad, through an Anchorage-based consultant, declined to comment. Million said that Golden Valley plans to finish its study and hasn’t ruled out advancing Shovel Creek on a slower timeline than Longroad’s proposal.

The utility is also studying a substantial, if smaller, wind project that could still qualify for the tax credits.

“We have to take control”

In Anchorage, meanwhile, officials with Chugach Electric Association said that Longroad’s work on the nearby Little Mount Susitna wind project slowed as the company focused on advancing Shovel Creek.

The developer, said Chugach board member Nordlund, isn’t ready to make the initial investment in Little Mount Susitna and couldn’t do the continuous work required in order to take advantage of the tax credits — though the utility, he added, hasn’t given up on the project moving forward in the future.

Nordlund ran for the Chugach board in 2023 as an advocate for wind and solar, saying then that “the time to act on renewables is now.”

But he said in a recent interview that there’s “misinformation” circulating that utilities are dismissing proposed wind and solar developments that would generate power more cheaply than natural gas, when that’s not clearly the case.

Chugach has its own non-disclosure agreement with Longroad that Nordlund said bars him from getting specific about prices.

But speaking generally, he added, Alaska is a tough market for private developers, compared to the Lower 48 and foreign countries where they otherwise might invest.

Construction costs in Alaska are higher given the remote setting, harsh environment and lack of contractors competing for business, Nordlund said; the relatively small consumer base also means that developers can’t capture economies of scale.

“I think we need to create a better climate for independent power producers to do business in Alaska,” Nordlund said. The stalled legislation to establish renewable energy quotas could have helped, he added, by giving those private developers more certainty that the utilities were “serious” about bringing on wind and solar projects.

“More could have been done,” he said.

Nonetheless, Nordlund said he thinks the inherently “conservative” culture of Alaska’s utilities is changing, with executives increasingly open to accommodating wind and solar power.

Chugach officials say the utility is still pursuing renewables and remains open to proposals from developers — though they are now refocusing on more modest projects that they can advance in-house, at least in the early stages. Viable projects could then, potentially, be handed off to private developers.

At meetings in recent weeks, board and staff members have discussed a small-scale solar farm that Chugach is studying at the site of one of its existing gas power plants on the far side of Cook Inlet.

They’ve also heard a presentation from a consultant who is examining potential sites for new hydroelectric development, though those projects would face a lengthy permitting process.

“We now have to take control and get in the lead,” Dustin Highers, Chugach’s vice president for corporate programs, said at a recent board meeting.

But some experts like Wight, the energy historian, remain skeptical that those efforts will end up displacing very much gas, with the exception of the smaller wind project in the Fairbanks area that he said could still “make a real difference.”

Pursuing smaller projects with better coordination between regions could be a better strategy, Wight said. But failing that, he said he expects utilities to largely continue their dependence on natural gas — whether through imported LNG, or through a proposed pipeline project from Alaska’s North Slope that’s struggled to secure commitments from investors.

“They’re going to dabble a little bit in renewables here and there, and then they’re just going to hope for cheap gas,” Wight said. “As a state, we’ve been so oil- and gas-dependent for so long that I do think there’s a cultural barrier there, to bring in the new folks who want to think differently.”

Nathaniel Herz welcomes tips at natherz@gmail.com or (907) 793-0312. This article was originally published in Northern Journal, a newsletter from Herz. Subscribe at this link.

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Entertainment

Christine Brown: Kody Hurt Me When He Took My Virginity!

Reading Time: 4 minutes

Let it be quite clear at this point:

Christine Brown will be holding nothing at all back in her upcoming memoir.

As previously reported, the Sister Wives regular will come out with “Sister Wife: A Memoir of Faith, Family and Finding Freedom” on Tuesday, September 2.

We already know she refers to ex-husband Kody Brown as a drama queen within its pages.

Christine and Kody Brown photograph
Christine and Kody Brown are no longer married. That’s probably a good thing. (TLC)

Now, meanwhile, we can also confirm she trashes Kody as basically an insensitive A-Hole as well.

In one section of this book, Christine actually opens up about her wedding night — specifically, about not just the first time she and Kody had sex. But the first time she EVER had sex.

Yes, Christine was a virgin upon exchanging vows.

Heck, her first kiss ever took place at the altar after becoming Kody’s spiritual spouse.

Kody, though, was already with Meri and Janelle and therefore had some experience in the bedroom and Christine writes that she trusted Brown “not to hurt” her.

Christine Brown and Kody Brown barely talk these days. (TLC)

“I wasn’t completely clueless, and I trusted him,” she writes. “I also thought, because he had some experience, that it would be, you know. Good.”

Instead?

Christine recalls her first sexual experience for readers as hurting “like crazy” and leaving her in tears, largely because “there was no foreplay.”

“There was no anything,” she goes on. “It was my very first time after having my very first kiss at the altar, and he was experienced so he should have known.”

Christine admits she was “crying from the pain” and significant disappointed because she thought the evening would play out VERY differently than it did.

Christine Brown on a Sister Wives episode
Christine Brown looks downtrodden and disturbed on Sister Wives. (TLC)

“I envisioned hand-holding, moonlight, gentle touches,” she writes. “I imagined feeling beautiful and adored. I imagined a loving acknowledgment of our eternal life together.”

For the rest of the honeymoon, Christine now says she was “too sore” for the newlyweds to try again.

We should perhaps note here that the honeymoon was barely even a honeymoon; it wasn’t planned out at all.

“After our wedding, Christine and I got in the car and drove to Montana,” Kody wrote in the 2012 book Becoming Sister Wives. “It was a tense trip, and I have to admit that I wasn’t my most-cheerful self.”

Kody Brown never really looks to happy, does he? (TLC)

Back in June, on the Sister Wives tell-all special, Christine said her relationship with Kody lacked “true intimacy” by the end.

While she acknowledged on this same episode that she was “taken care” of physically at the beginning of the marriage, sex became “just an act,” she added, stating for the television record:

“No real emotion behind it or anything.”

Christine is thrilled with her life these days as a woman married to David Woolley, but has said she gets disgusted when thinking of her past with Kody.

“The sex was never….God, it was just so broken,” Christine also said on air on June 8.

However, the pair “didn’t talk about it,” she explains now.

“We both knew there was something lacking and something missing. And when you have sex five times in a year, you realize there’s a problem, and it’s like, do we really want to talk about it?

“So we had one conversation on intimacy, and it was like, are we going to have any kind of intimacy, sex in our marriage? And he was like, no. And so the next time you come over, I’m like, you’re done. You’re not staying here anymore. I don’t want you in my bed. We’re done.”

Christine Brown is all smiles in this Sister Wives scene. (TLC)

We can’t wait to find out what else Christine will reveal in her memoir.

The description on Amazon for this book reads as follows:

Becoming Kody Brown’s third wife in 1994, Christine finally found the big, happy family she had hoped for. When TLC’s hit show Sister Wives premiered in 2010, Christine knew it was her chance to shine a light on the brighter side of polygamy—the helping hands, the lively discussions, and their unmatched devotion to each other.

But the cameras also revealed a much darker truth.

In this candid tell-all, Christine shares for the first time the journey that led her away from the Morman church and the bold path she is carving to live apart from all she has ever known.

Moving, genuine, and insightful, this is a uniquely powerful tour de force of Christine’s journey toward and beyond her time in the spotlight as a sister wife.

Christine Brown: Kody Hurt Me When He Took My Virginity! was originally published on The Hollywood Gossip.

​The Hollywood Gossip

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Politics

Cleveland’s mayor wants Democrats to know millennials like him are impatient and ready to lead

The age of the millennial politician is here — nowhere more obviously than in city halls around the country. Cleveland Mayor Justin Bibb surprised Ohio’s political establishment in 2021 by soaring to victory at the age of 34. The former Obama intern-turned-Key Bank executive is now the president of the Democratic Mayors’ Association and a rising star within the party.

I met up with Bibb — clad in his signature round tortoiseshell glasses and a slim-cut navy suit suit even on a hot and humid Sunday in July. We talked about his city and its relationship with the federal government — from the impact federal cuts may have on his city’s hospital system to his desire to work with Republicans and President Donald Trump on permitting reform.

Over a plate of mac and cheese at trendy Cleveland bistro Luxe, Bibb said that Democrats at large have missed the fact that millennials are impatient — not willing to wait their turn to run for office, deeply entrepreneurial and chomping at the bit to solve the crises they’ve spent their entire lives navigating.

“When I ran for mayor, a lot of folks — a lot of establishment Democrats in the party — told me to wait my turn,” Bibb explained. “We are impatient about this country, because we know what crises look like … because we’ve experienced them firsthand.”

This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

You’re from Cleveland.

Born and raised in Cleveland. I lived in the southeast side, in the Mount Pleasant/Union Miles neighborhood.

I’m not that familiar with Cleveland. So tell me what that means, vibes- or identity-wise.

It’s got a crazy identity in terms of its history. At the height of Cleveland’s prominence — and we were once the fifth largest city in the United States — it was a Jewish middle-class neighborhood. Then you have white flight, redlining, and it became a Black middle class neighborhood.

To this day, there’s still remnants of that. When I was growing up in the 1990s at the height of the crack epidemic in the city, it still had a strong Black middle class, still strong main streets. And one of the reasons why I ran was to try to reverse that decline.

In an interview earlier this year, you mentioned that housing was a policy space where this Congress might make some progress. Have you seen anything helpful since then?

Nothing yet. And what concerns me is that with the passage of this “big beautiful bill,” it’s adding to the deficit, which is going to lead to an increase in interest rates, which is going to lead to an increase in the cost of buying a home.

If there was one space where I think Trump could have some real bipartisan support, it’s around housing. He’s a builder, right?

I think every mayor or governor you talk to wants to see Congress support us on permitting reform at every level of government. And every mayor or governor you talk to wants HUD to streamline regulations so it’s easier to build in America.

Are there other places you see a missed opportunity, where interests align?

I know that the administration is looking at opportunity zones and … childcare tax credits.

And then on immigration reform … The best thing for us to do to be a competitive economy is to pass common sense immigration reform. So instead of all this theater and chaos and this other bullshit, let’s get back to work and let’s find common sense immigration reform. Everybody wants a secure border, but we also need to give people a pathway to citizenship, because if we don’t, we can’t be globally competitive.

You have connections with many other mayors because of the Democratic Mayors Association. Is there any housing policy you’re seeing in other cities that excites you?

A lot of us right now focus on permitting reform. Cleveland will be launching that effort this fall, where we’re streamlining the process to upload your drawings and to get a permit from City Hall.

Really proud of the work that Mayor Todd Gloria has done in San Diego, where he has really worked quickly to decrease street homelessness in the downtown parts of San Diego. That’s declined over 60 percent since he took office.

I look at what Andre Dickens has done in Atlanta, where he has taken old shipping containers and vacant lots and made it a homeless shelter where people have dignity and support to get the second chance they deserve.

What about some of the cuts that have come out of D.C. recently, on education funding or Medicaid. Are you finding any ways to backfill these cuts? 

I think every mayor in the country will agree with this: There is no replacement that we can find to plug in the gaps from the federal government.

Cleveland is home to our only safety net hospital, Metro Hospital, and they could go out of business if these cuts go through. What’s striking is that [Trump] worked to put some provisions in this bill with Republican senators to help rural hospitals, but nothing to support urban hospitals. That’s gonna decimate our public health infrastructure.

And residents in Ohio are going to feel any impacts sooner, because Ohio also rolled back state Medicaid expansion — right?

Correct.

The state cuts … will put a further strain on hospitals like the Cleveland Clinic, Metro Health and emergency hospitals. It’s an issue of public safety, because people may be committing crimes out of survival now, because we no longer have a strong social safety net.

All these things are interconnected. It’s easy for the president and Republicans in DC to try to say, “Democrat-run cities are unsafe.” But they’re the ones making our country less safe by passing these uncompassionate, crazy bills.

I totally understand that you can’t replace the federal cuts. But you said at your State of the City address that you were looking for philanthropic avenues to try to help in other ways. 

I’ll be convening healthcare CEOs and hospitals, I’ll be convening my foundation leaders, to figure out what we can do to stand in the gap until we get change from the federal government.

One idea is how do we start to promote more preventative care to make sure that folks aren’t getting sick before they need to go to hospital. I’ll be working with Metro Health Hospital, our local social safety net hospital, to get folks enrolled in the exchanges before these changes occur so they can get the care they need. And I have a mobile health clinic that we deploy at my department of public health as well. So all of the above is on the table.

You’re a millennial. What are Democrats missing about millennials?

That we’re impatient.

Say more. 

When I ran for mayor, a lot of folks — a lot of establishment Democrats in the party — told me to wait my turn. We are impatient about this country, because we know what crises look like … because we’ve experienced them firsthand — from 9/11 to the great recession to two wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to the pandemic.

But we’re also the most entrepreneurial generation as well.

Follow-up question — though I don’t know how qualified we (millennials) are to talk for them — about Gen Z. In the 2024 election, nationally, millennials stayed the most blue. Gen Z swung toward Trump. 

Gen Z sees a rigged system.

But we (millennials) do too, right? Why does it hit different?

I think for Gen Z … they see all the massive amount of wealth being created because of technology and the proliferation of Amazon, Uber, what have you. They don’t understand why we can’t get our shit together and fix this stuff quickly.

They looked to someone like Donald Trump, who is the disrupter, to fix it.

The reason why he’s losing his base on Epstein and the Epstein files is because they thought they could trust him as the disruptor. He would be transparent. We want transparency … and now they’re not getting that.

What do you want Democrats in D.C. to do more of?

Listen to mayors. We are closest to the challenges and the pain of what this federal destruction looks like, but we’re also closest to the damn solutions. We know how to fix America’s housing problem because we’re doing it. We’re fixing public safety in cities like Cleveland, Baltimore, Atlanta. We know how to create good quality jobs with union and labor being a key partner.

The answer to the Democratic Party’s future and problems will not come from congressional D.C. Democrats. It needs to come from America’s mayors and America’s governors.

Your summer playlist — What are you listening to right now?

Drake is solid. I listen to a lot of Jungle, I love Jungle. I’ve been in a classic Jay Z mode too, recently. I feel like Jay Z [and] Memphis Bleak is like my quintessential growing up in this city [in the] summer vibe that gets me in a good mood.

I just sent my barber my [Spotify] day list. It was called “luxury barber shop Sunday afternoon.” And he’s like “Dude, it’s straight bangers.”

You know he’s playing it at the barbershop right now … And they’re like, “this is the mayor’s playlist.”

[laughing] Exactly, yeah.

CORRECTION: An earlier version of this article misstated Cleveland Mayor Justin Bibb’s neighborhood residency. He does not currently live where he grew up.

​Politics

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​Health Digest – Health News, Wellness, Expert Insights

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The Medical Procedure Jill Biden Underwent During Her Time As First Lady

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​Health Digest – Health News, Wellness, Expert Insights

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​Mashed – Fast Food, Celebrity Chefs, Grocery, Reviews

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Where Does Trader Joe’s Get Its Eggs From?

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