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Abortion laws show that public policy doesn’t always line up with public opinion

Participants in the annual March for Life protests in Washington call for an end to all abortions, on Jan. 23, 2026. CQ-Roll Call/Tom Williams via Getty Images

Representational government rests on a simple idea: that the laws the nation lives under generally reflect what the public wants. In the United States, few issues test that idea more than abortion.

In 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization that the Constitution does not guarantee a right to an abortion. The decision effectively overturned nearly 50 years of federally protected access to the procedure and returned primary authority over abortion policy to states.

Individual states now have the authority to enact permissive or restrictive abortion laws. These vary substantially, from near-total bans on the procedure – such as in Florida or Texas, where abortion is banned except in very limited circumstances – to guarantees of abortion access that are enshrined in state constitutions, including in California and Vermont.

Abortion serves as a clear example of how difficult it can be to translate public opinion into law. It is an issue where public views have remained relatively consistent over time, with the majority of the public supporting abortion rights according to polls. Still, laws have shifted dramatically from state to state and year to year.

As a researcher who studies the relationship between public opinion and state-level policy, I examine whether laws reflect the preferences of the American public. The dichotomy between abortion protections and restrictions suggests that this dynamic is often more complicated than many people might assume.

State legislatures, courts and election methods – and the interplay between them – all influence how public preferences are translated into law. Additionally, lobbying by well-connected interest groups that may represent a minority viewpoint can exert significant pressure on lawmakers, sometimes outweighing the desires of the broader public.

As a result, there is not always a direct line between what a majority of voters might want and the policies that are enacted.

Where public opinion stands

Despite these broad policy differences, public opinion has remained relatively stable around the abortion issue since the 1970s. Sixty-three percent of Americans say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, compared with 36% who say it should be illegal in all or most cases, according to the Pew Research Center. In 34 states and the District of Columbia, more people say abortion should be legal than say it should be illegal.

Even in states with restrictive policies, opinion is often closely divided. In Utah, where abortion is banned after 18 weeks of pregnancy, public opinion is split nearly down the middle.

Support for abortion does vary by religion, age, education level, political views and gender. Eighty-six percent of religiously unaffiliated Americans say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, compared with 25% of white evangelical Protestants, for example.

Similar divides appear across other partisan or demographic groups. About 85% of those who lean Democratic say abortion should be legal in most cases, according to Pew, compared with about 41% of those who lean Republican. Differences also emerge by education, with college graduates more likely to support legal abortion than those without a college degree. More women than men support abortion access, although the difference is relatively minor – 64% of women, 61% of men.

Abortion on the ballot

In response to the 2022 Dobbs decision, voters in multiple states turned to ballot initiatives, mostly to restore or affirm abortion rights. In 2024, voters in 10 states decided on abortion-related measures. Seven states passed measures to protect abortion rights: Arizona, Colorado, Maryland, Missouri,
Montana, Nevada and New York. Measures to enact protections failed in Florida, Nebraska and South Dakota.

Ballot initiatives are one of the few ways Americans can directly shape policy, though the rules for their passage vary by state. Citizen-generated initiatives are only available in about half the states.

In states such as Arizona and California, simple majorities were able to approve their 2024 measures affirming abortion protections. That same year, 57% of Florida voters supported a similar measure to protect abortion access up to 24 weeks of pregnancy, but that did not meet the state’s 60% threshold for passage of initiatives.

Even in states where ballot initiatives have passed, translating voter preferences into policy is not always a straight line. In Missouri, for example, the state Supreme Court in May 2025 allowed preexisting restrictions to remain in effect while legal challenges to a 2024 abortion rights amendment continued. Because that amendment remains part of the state constitution, legislators have placed a new measure on the November 2026 ballot specifically to repeal those protections and reinstate a nearly total ban.

Seen in this context, the abortion issue represents not only a debate about access. It also offers a clear example of how representation works in practice.

The relationship between public opinion and policy is not always direct or immediate, but is shaped by the institutions and processes that define American democracy.

The Conversation

Marlo Rossi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

​Politics + Society – The Conversation

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Brianna Chickenfry Fires Back at Logan Paul After Zach Bryan Talk

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Politics

Abigail Spanberger gave Democrats’ response to Trump. But she didn’t have the stage to herself.

Democratic leadership’s choice to have Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger deliver the State of the Union rebuttal was a strategic move to keep the party’s focus on affordability. But she was just one Democrat jockeying to pave the way forward for the party.

Various Democratic factions hosting numerous competing events Tuesday night diverged on the best way to challenge President Donald Trump. Throughout the speeches, universal calls to bring down costs and crack down on Immigration and Customs Enforcement mixed in with more forceful and sometimes vulgar rebukes of his administration — laying bare the ideological and stylistic divides that are driving the party’s identity crisis.

Spanberger — a one-time battleground House Democrat who joined Congress during the party’s last wave election — was the headliner, calling from Williamsburg, Virgina, for Trump to focus on the needs of American families while also condemning the president for doing “what he always does: He lied, he scapegoated, and he distracted.”

But she was far from alone, with a group of Democratic-aligned organizations holding their own State of the Union events in an effort to harness rising furor against Trump.

Dozens of lawmakers spoke across several counterprogramming events, including a rally hosted by MoveOn and the left-leaning media outlet MeidasTouch on the National Mall, or at another in downtown Washington hosted by the anti-Trump activist networks Defiance and the Portland Frog Brigade along with the Courier Newsroom.

On the Mall, Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.) called to impeach Attorney General Pam Bondi over the Epstein files, and Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) accused Trump of “rigging” the midterms by pushing voting restrictions to “save his authoritarian control and turn the presidency into a kingship.” Rep. Becca Balint (D-Vt.) called herself a “bareknuckled brawler with a heart” and declared “that’s what we need right now.”

The dueling rallies, both timed to overlap with Trump’s speech, were accompanied by a Working Families Party rebuttal also delivered by Lee.

Some party strategists said the events — which also hosted high-profile Democrats like Robert De Niro, Joy Reid and New York congressional candidate George Conway — splintered the party’s response in a high-profile moment.

“A uniform response is much better than a cacophony of responses,” said Matt Bennett, an executive with the center-left think tank Third Way. “One narrative is better than many, and Spanberger is very talented at articulating a message that resonates broadly.”

Dueling State of the Union responses are not a new phenomenon. While the party out of power typically green-lights an English- and Spanish-language rebuttal — Sen. Alex Padilla (D-Calif.) gave Democrats’ response in Spanish this year, vowing his party would lower costs, make voting more accessible and rein in ICE — different wings have long looked to get in on the action, from Tea Party Republicans during Barack Obama’s presidency to the progressive groups on Tuesday night.

But the lack of a unified response Tuesday comes as the Democratic Party still searches — and fights over — the best way to beat Trump, even as party members agree overall that centering the Trump administration’s struggles to boost the economy gives them the best chance in November.

Democrats were already divided in their approach to Trump’s address to Congress. Dozens of members across both chambers skipped the speech to protest the president while others said they were attending out of constitutional duty — a schism that stretched all the way up through party leadership.

Despite calls from Democratic leadership to refrain from protests inside the House chamber, Rep. Al Green (D-Texas) was escorted out of the room minutes into Trump’s speech after brandishing a sign reading “Black people aren’t apes,” a likely reference to a racist video Trump reposted earlier in the month.

Progressive Reps. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) also heckled Trump at multiple points during Trump’s speech, including in response to Trump touting his aggressive immigration enforcement.

At multiple moments during his speech, Trump appeared to relish opportunities to draw Democrats in attendance into heated exchanges.

“You people are crazy,” he said at one point, prompting some Democrats in the room to heckle him in return.

Spanberger’s aides were cognizant of the volume of competing Democratic rebuttals and built a “war room” team to boost the governor’s response on social media. And while her team insisted that she isn’t competing with other counter-programming events, her aides believed heading into Tuesday evening that Spanberger’s successful affordability-focused campaign last year gave her credibility on how to best respond to Trump.

Spanberger, whose campaign last year is viewed by some party strategists as a blueprint for Democrats to score victories in November, focused on her proposals to lower costs for Virginians, while also criticizing the president for aggressive immigration policies and blaming rising costs on Trump’s tariffs.

“Americans deserve to know that their leaders are focused on addressing the problems that keep them up at night, problems that dictate where you live, whether you can afford to start a business, or whether you have to skip a prescription in order to buy groceries,” she said in her live rebuttal. “Is the president working to make life more affordable for you and your family? We all know the answer is no.”

Several of the lawmakers who spoke at competing events echoed that affordability template, including some Democrats with possible presidential ambitions, like Sens. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) and Chris Murphy (D-Conn.).

Gallego, who warned in his speech that Trump was making Americans “sicker and poorer,” told POLITICO beforehand that “it’s fine that we have different people talking, provided the message is all the same: [that Democrats] are here to fight for everyday Americans.”

Some of those behind Democrats’ various response events Tuesday said they aimed to better capture the degree of frustration voters feel towards Trump.

“These are not the times for an institutionalist to say, ‘Well, let’s just give him his moment, and if you want to protest, protest by sitting there silently.’ That’s bullshit,” said Miles Taylor, a co-founder of Defiance and former Trump administration official-turned-Trump critic. “And I think that Hakeem Jeffries knows that his caucus feels like that doesn’t meet the moment, which is why so many of them are literally just not showing up.”

Taylor added that the plethora of Democratic responses also reflected the current political media environment, where both voters and candidates can easily find forums that align with their preferences.

Lee, who railed against Trump’s “authoritarianism” and cast his speech as an “obituary for the country working people built” in her Working Families Party rebuttal, said Democrats are at a “crossroads” and won’t win control of Congress “by electing more of the same” — which she cast as those who “speak boldly but deliver cautiously or sometimes even vote with MAGA.”

In an interview on Monday, Lee said it was critical for Democrats to promote a bigger tent after progressives scored major wins of their own in recent elections, from Zohran Mamdani being elected mayor of New York City to Analilia Mejia’s victory this month in the Democratic primary to replace moderate now-Gov. Mikie Sherrill in New Jersey.

Progressives “are always accepting of moderate places being represented well,” Lee said. But “it feels like there’s a wing of this party fighting back more against us trying to represent our own communities just as hard as somebody who is trying to represent their community in a swing district.”

​Politics

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Music

Country Now Live Returns With Dustin Lynch Headlining Annual Benefit Show For St. Jude

Dustin Lynch is set to headline this year’s Country Now Live event, bringing fans together for a night of music in support of St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital.

When & Where

The event is set for Tuesday, March 17 at 6th & Peabody (423 6th Ave S, Nashville, TN), with music beginning at 6:30 p.m. local time. Lynch’s headlining set comes as he continues to generate buzz around his high-energy release “Getaway Car,” climbs the country radio charts with “Easy To Love,” and prepares to return to Las Vegas for his second Wynn Nightlife residency.

Country Now Live 2026
Country Now Live 2026

Country Now Live will also feature performances from buzzed-about rising artists Cole Goodwin, Kayley Green, Kenny Whitmire, Jacob Hackworth, and Graham St. Clair, each delivering intimate sets packed with fan favorites and new music.

“Getting to play in Nashville with other artists is always an honor, but the fact that it’s for St Jude makes it a million times more special,” Green, who recently turned heads with the release of her song “Shadow of a Cowboy,” said. “I’m so grateful to be a part of this show!”

Dustin Lynch, Cole Goodwin, Kayley Green, Kenny Whitmire, Jacob Hackworth, Graham St. Clair; Photos Provided
Dustin Lynch, Cole Goodwin, Kayley Green, Kenny Whitmire, Jacob Hackworth, Graham St. Clair; Photos Provided

How To Get Tickets

Tickets are available now for $25 (plus applicable fees). Purchase NOW.

All proceeds from the Country Now Live event will be donated to St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital to support its lifesaving mission. St. Jude treats and defeats childhood cancer and other life-threatening diseases, and thanks to fundraising efforts, families never receive a bill from St. Jude for treatment, housing, or food. Instead, they are able to focus on helping their children survive. Click HERE to learn more about St. Jude.  

Country Now Live has previously featured headliners Priscilla Block and Chris Young. The event has taken place in Nashville the night before Country Radio Seminar for the past three years, and that tradition continues this year with CRS set for March 18–20. 

The post Country Now Live Returns With Dustin Lynch Headlining Annual Benefit Show For St. Jude appeared first on Country Now.

​Country Now

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Here are five of our favorite picks from the collection (in no particular order).

Photo Courtesy Wrangler
Photo Courtesy Wrangler

Lainey Wilson x Wrangler Flame Tee 

This tee is giving all the 90s Brooks & Dunn vibes with its retro-inspired flame design. Made from 100% cotton and cut oversized with dropped shoulders, it’s got that worn-in, lived-in feel from day one. 

Shop HERE.

Photo Courtesy Wrangler
Photo Courtesy Wrangler

Lainey Wilson x Wrangler On Deck Shrunken Band Tee

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Shop HERE.

Photo Courtesy Wrangler
Photo Courtesy Wrangler

Lainey Wilson x Wrangler Red Flare Jeans

We are absolutely obsessed with these bold red flares! Crafted from cotton with a touch of stretch, they hug the body through the knee before opening into a full flare. Complete with five-pocket styling, ‘W’ embroidery on the back pockets, shiny hardware, a red pocket patch, and Lainey’s “LW” initials on the coin pocket, these jeans are made for standing out wherever you go.

Shop HERE.

Photo Courtesy Wrangler
Photo Courtesy Wrangler

Lainey Wilson x Wrangler Camp Shirt

Casual, vintage cowgirl vibes meet effortless summer style in this soft, woven camp shirt. The slightly cropped, boxy silhouette features an open lapel collar, pearl snaps, piped yokes, and action-packed rough stock rider graphics. Lainey’s embroidered initials at the hem give a personal touch. Pair with cut off shorts, and you’ve got the perfect summer fit.

Shop HERE.

Photo Courtesy Wrangler
Photo Courtesy Wrangler

Lainey Wilson x Wrangler Gimme Some Slack Tank

Made for sun-soaked days and endless movement, this slim, slightly cropped tank is ready to roam. Cotton keeps it comfortable, while red trim along the armholes and neckline highlights a lyric from Lainey’s hit “Good Horses,” bringing her music to life in this standout summer piece.

Shop HERE.

The post The 5 Must-Have Pieces From Lainey Wilson’s Summer 2026 Wrangler Line appeared first on Country Now.

​Country Now