Despite Chipotle’s pride in its super-fresh ingredients, only one meat is cooked in-store – and it isn’t even the most expensive protein on the menu!

Food Republic – Restaurants, Reviews, Recipes, Cooking Tips
Despite Chipotle’s pride in its super-fresh ingredients, only one meat is cooked in-store – and it isn’t even the most expensive protein on the menu!

Food Republic – Restaurants, Reviews, Recipes, Cooking Tips
Political cartoons from the desk of Matt WuerkerPolitics

A Government Hill Elementary School student walks on Oct. 29, 2026, on the overpass adjacent to the school and near the Government Hill gate of Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson. Federal law prohibits candidates from campaigning on military bases, but many candidates, including House District 18 hopeful Cliff Groh, have posted signs in strategic spots near the base. (Photo by Yereth Rosen/Alaska Beacon)
In the Alaska House district with chronic low voter turnout and high resident turnover, how do legislative candidates connect with voters?
Democrat Cliff Groh and Republican Dan Sager are trying to answer that question in the race to represent House District 18.
The vast majority of the territory in the district spans Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, or JBER, and more than half of the voters are listed as base residents. Federal law prohibits campaigning on military bases, so Groh and Sager are using phone calls, texts and online communications to try to reach them.
It is not an easy task, according to Groh, who represented the district in the state House in 2023 and 2024 and hopes to return to the seat.
Military personnel around the country vote at lower rates than the U.S. average, he noted, and the JBER residents fit that pattern. Additionally, some voters considered JBER residents are not actually in Anchorage when he tries to contact them.
“That’s because some of the people who have addresses on JBER wake up every morning in Germany or Alabama,” Groh said. “I have called Hawaii, California, Rhode Island, Texas. I’ve called for people, I think, in Turkey and South Korea, too.” Some have not answered, but he has reached people all around the country who are absentee voters, he said.
Sager, who is running for the seat for the first time, also faces the challenge of JBER voter lists that quickly become obsolete.
Sager said the transient nature of military service quickly makes JBER voter lists obsolete. He mentioned his last list. “I got it, and then they said, like, “‘Don’t even contact numbers, you know, 700 through whatever because we already know that they’ve moved on,’” he said.
Like other candidates, he has chosen some strategic and eye-catching sites just outside JBER’s gates to post campaign signs.
The low voting propensity of enlisted personnel and their family members shows up in election statistics.

In the Aug. 18 open primary, in which Groh took over 67% of the vote, turnout in House District 18 was only 9.2%. That was, by far, the lowest turnout in the state, and it compares to a statewide turnout of about 27% for the primary election, according to Alaska Division of Elections records.
The district has been at the bottom in turnout in other years. In the 2022 general election, in which Groh beat then-incumbent Republican David Nelson, turnout was just 18.7% in the district, compared to the statewide rate of about 44%, according to state records.
It is not just JBER that is transient and less politically engaged than Alaska as a whole – or less accessible to door-knocking candidates.
The district includes a slice of downtown Anchorage, mostly with industrial properties along Ship Creek, and a piece of the Muldoon neighborhood in the northeastern part of town.
Overall, House District 18 ranks near the bottom in the state for household income, and many residents have difficulty affording even the substandard housing that is available to them, Groh said. They are also coping with underfunded schools, among other issues that give them little time to engage with candidates and voting options, he said.
“There are a number of working families in this district who don’t feel like they have the luxury to follow politics,” Groh said. “They’re often hard-pressed and struggling.”
Off-base, Groh and Sager noted, many residents live in buildings with locked entries, either apartments or senior housing, posing another challenge to on-the-ground campaigning.
There is one part of House District 18 that is stable, easily walked by candidates and home to some of the city’s more economically comfortable residents: Government Hill. As Anchorage’s oldest neighborhood, it has tight community ties and strong civic spirit. For the most part, however, district residents face difficulties, Groh said.
Groh and Sager both live in Government Hill; Sager said he was drawn to the neighborhood by its “charm,” and he and his wife enjoy the easy access to parks, trails and the city’s downtown district.

They might be neighbors, but Groh and Sager are vastly different candidates.
Groh, 72, is a lifelong Alaskan with decades of experience in politics and government policy. His father, also named Cliff, served as a Republican state senator in the 1970s. In the 1980s, the younger Cliff was a legislative aide — and specifically worked on the legislation that created the wildly popular Alaska Permanent Fund dividend. His campaign website features a photo of him with former Gov. Jay Hammond, an Alaska political icon generally credited with creating the dividend program.
Groh holds a bachelor’s degree from Harvard, and after receiving a law degree from the University of California Berkley, he returned to Alaska and worked as a prosecutor and municipal attorney in Sitka and Anchorage, as well as in private practice. He has also worked as a special assistant in the Alaska Department of Revenue. He has authored academic books and articles about Alaska policy issues, taught about public policy at the university level and, since the 1990s, served on the board of Alaska Common Ground, a non-profit civic organization.
This is his third time running for the House seat. After he beat Nelson in 2022, during the first election season under Alaska’s ranked-choice voting system, he lost to Nelson in 2024 by a mere 23 votes.
Groh said he is excited about the opportunity to be in a legislative majority with a potential Democratic governor. When he served previously, he was in the minority. A victory by him could boost the ranks of the now-slim bipartisan House majority.
“I very much hope that there can be what is called a ‘trifecta’ of a good House majority, a good Senate majority, and that my preferred candidate, Jonathan Kreiss-Tomkins, wins the governorship so that we can make some progress in the state on a whole host of issues for which we have stagnated,” Groh said, naming the Democratic candidate for governor.
For Sager, who has been a participant in the Government Hill Community Council since he bought a house in the neighborhood in 2020, this is his first attempt at elective office.
He is 39, the new father of a 5-month-old girl named Liberty and has lived in Alaska for 13 years. He campaigns in between his duties taking care of his daughter while his wife is at work and attending to his own job as a territorial sales manager in the building materials industry.
Sager stepped into the race after Nelson, the incumbent representative, mentioned that he would not be seeking reelection. Sager said he tried to talk others into running to represent a Republican viewpoint.

“I am worried about the implications of what would happen if we don’t have a Republican majority in the House and not a Republican governor,” he said. “I think that it’s guaranteed a bunch of taxes, income taxes. And I’m afraid they’re not going to be very friendly to the energy industry that we really need.”
He said he entered the race after failing to convince anyone else to do it. The prospect of serving in the legislature turned out to be unappealing to those he tried to convince to run, he said.
“You’re away from home for, you know, five to six months. And it’s just a hard job,” he said.
Despite their philosophical differences, Groh and Sager are in agreement on some of the problems and needs in the district.
There are some common citizen concerns, such as education and public safety, they said. But in the Muldoon part of the district, residents regularly bring up some hyper-local and immediate problems.
Sager said he learned that when he was door-knocking there. “Everything was sidewalks and speed bumps. That’s what everybody wanted to talk about,” he said.
A particular trouble spot is Duben Avenue, a thoroughfare on the Muldoon edge of the district that Groh dubs “Dangerous Duben.” Pedestrians, including children attending Muldoon Elementary School, have to navigate Duben, but there are no sidewalks.
Sager said he has seen the problem firsthand. “I’d go knock on people’s doors and they’d be talking about it, and then a car would fly through,” he said.
Groh, who believes he was the first legislative candidate this cycle to start door-knocking, has also seen the traffic problem firsthand.

He considers Duben to be the most dangerous road in the district, but he said there are other bad spots. He has engaged with residents concerning road dangers for years, as both a legislator and a candidate, he said. Just this week he wrote a letter to Anchorage Mayor Suzanne LaFrance relaying a citizen complaint about another road in the neighborhood, Boundary Avenue.
Groh said residents call on him to help them in other ways, and he is able to tap into his long years of government and public policy experience.
One example is his work with people struggling to find or keep homes. “A substantial percentage of the homeless population in Anchorage wake up every morning in my district, and there’s a number of people also in my district who are on the cusp of homelessness who slip in and out of it,” he said.
He has kept in contact with district residents he met as far back as 2022 who are struggling with homelessness, he said.
This year, even in struggling House District 18, residents cannot help but be aware of the ongoing election. Sager said he has encountered some people who are disengaged, mostly young military people, but only a few people who say they definitely will not vote.
The downside of that awareness is the dominance of the federal elections in Alaska, particularly the U.S. Senate race between incumbent Republican Dan Sullivan and Democratic challenger Mary Peltola. It is considered one of the races that will decide the control of the Senate. That U.S. Senate race has drawn national attention and massive amounts of money for a small-population state like Alaska.
“The federal (election) is taking a lot of the oxygen out of the room,” Sager said.
That leaves state legislative candidates much overshadowed, he said
“So then all us House and Senate people are just fighting for, like, ‘Hey, don’t forget: We actually affect you a little bit more than that, you know. More directly anyway,’” he said.

For Democrats, the size of their victory matters.
Progressives and moderates have been sparring all cycle over who will get to claim credit if they win on Tuesday. A new POLITICO Poll shows that the bigger the win, the more Democrats appear inclined to see it as a mandate to run more progressive candidates.
A smaller-than-expected victory next week would leave the party — and voters — torn over which direction to go.
The results reveal that the midterm election will have major implications over the next stage of the Democratic Party war over their identity — and could give progressives fresh ammunition ahead of a critical 2028 presidential race. Party insiders are closely watching contests where that infighting has been on display: From Abdul El-Sayed’s battle for Michigan Senate and Troy Jackson’s for Maine Senate, to Randy Villegas’ House race in California and Manny Rutinel’s in Colorado.
More than a dozen Democratic Party operatives and strategists said in interviews that both factions are already preparing to see a blue wave as validation of its own approach. Top super PACs and campaign firms are finishing strategy memos and finalizing lineups for a slate of post-election conferences where they intend to claim their way is the party’s future.
“You know what they say: Victory has a thousand mothers, right?” said Oliver Libby, the Democratic author behind the book “Strong Floor, No Ceiling,” which became a rallying cry for House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries this cycle.
The survey, conducted by PF Global, found Democrats are nearly evenly split over what a smaller-than-expected victory next week would mean for future elections: 37% said it would signal a need to run more progressive candidates in the next election, while 35% said it would show the party should run more moderates. Another 28% said they didn’t know.
Those divisions largely fall along ideological lines. Among self-identified progressives, 52% said a smaller-than-expected victory would show that Democrats should run more progressive candidates. Meanwhile, a 45% plurality of self-identified moderates said that the same result would be evidence that the party should nominate more moderates, while just 28% percent said to run more progressives.
But if Democrats sweep key races — presented in the survey as a “large victory” — both progressives and moderates move toward running more progressive candidates in the next election. A majority of self-identified progressives — 61% — said it would show that the party should run more progressive candidates, while 35% of self-identified moderates agreed (compared with the 28% who said this for a smaller margin of victory).
A majority of Democratic midterm voters, including majorities of both self-identified progressives and moderates, also said a large victory would mean the party has a winning strategy for the 2028 presidential election, according to the poll.
“If Democrats had half a brain cell, they would look for the things that those two movements have in common,” said Chuck Rocha, a veteran Democratic strategist who has advised prominent candidates in both camps. “Whoever can combine these two things is who’s going to end up being somebody who is going to be a stalwart in ‘28.”
Progressives are eager for Tuesday’s results to bolster their argument that the party should move further to the left and that their candidates can win in competitive general elections. They’ve spent years feeling like they were being discounted by the party’s establishment wing, which was convinced that only more moderate candidates could cut into Trump’s coalition.
Progressives have cast a slate of battleground House and Senate races where their candidates felled more moderate primary rivals as major proof points — none more so than El-Sayed in purple Michigan’s marquee Senate race. A victory there, they say, could help springboard some of their biggest stars, like Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) and Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), for presidential bids. Both representatives and a slate of other progressive surrogates up through Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) have hit the trail to help.
“Our North Star in 2026 is to prove the concept that bold, shake up the system economic fighters can win anywhere, including purple and red areas, as a prelude to the presidential election in 2028,” said Adam Green, co-founder of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee. “We think we will have plenty to work with after the election. For us, Abdul is Exhibit A.”
PCCC is drafting a memo touting what it predicts as “two common themes in election winners: Outsiders and economic fighters who challenge corporate power,” according to a draft viewed by POLITICO.
Moderates, meanwhile, are poised to point to results as evidence that building broad coalitions can help Democrats compete in Republican strongholds.
“The interpretation game is already under way,” said Matt Bennett, co-founder of the centrist think-tank Third Way, which has been conducting advertising analysis and polling the electorate, with plans to release its findings after Election Day. “[Progressives] are going to cherry pick the couple of races that they win, and they are going to say, therefore … everybody should go to the left.”
A memo from The Bench — a Democratic organization that supports candidates with real-world experience, such as teachers, nurses or veterans — touts recruits like James Talarico in Texas and Adam Hamilton in Kansas as evidence of the strength of its approach working. Public polling shows Talarico and Hamilton in a competitive position in once-solid safe red states.
“While much of the Democratic establishment was busy studying how to talk to working people, our answer was simpler: Run them,” the memo released this week reads.
“I saw Democrats, a lot of people in the 2020 primary, adopt positions that were just electoral poison,” said Democratic strategist Lis Smith, an architect of Pete Buttigieg’s 2020 presidential campaign who is a senior adviser to The Bench and works with The Bench’s sister organization, Majority Democrats. “You had Democrats say decriminalize border crossing, defund the police, and things like that. And we just can’t go back there as a party. We’re not going to be a majority party if we go down that road again.”
A new memo obtained by POLITICO from Blue Dog PAC, a moderate Democratic group chaired by Rep. Adam Gray (D-Calif.), already makes the case that there was a “Blue Dog overperformance in 2024 and the Trump era.” It points to over a dozen House races the group is involved in that were initially rated as “Solid Republican” or “Likely Republican” by the Cook Political Report, and are finishing the cycle in the “Lean Republican,” “Toss Up” and “Lean Democratic” columns.
But some Democrats say that all this focus on who won the progressive-moderate fight is missing the point entirely.
“Actually doing something if we do win majorities, that’s more important than a bunch of memos saying we’re the reason we won,” said Bill Neidhardt, who worked on Bernie Sanders’ 2020 presidential campaign and is now advising Will Lawrence, who’s running for Michigan’s 7th District, and working to boost El-Sayed.
“Whether one super PAC says to the other super PAC, ‘We’re the better super PAC’ — I just think if that’s what victory looks like to you in 2026, you’re going to set the Democrats up to lose in 2028,” he added.
Politics
Ice-T doesn’t need to block out the noise.
Because at the end of the day, he isn’t even thinking about his and Coco Austin’s haters. So, when it comes to how he feels about online critics weighing…
E! Online (US) – Top Stories
‘I don’t care how tough you are, there’s nothing that will crush you faster than seeing your kids hurt or sick.’ Continue reading…Country Music News – Taste of Country
‘I don’t care how tough you are, there’s nothing that will crush you faster than seeing your kids hurt or sick.’ Continue reading…The Boot – Country Music News, Music Videos and Songs
Whether to switch to fresher, better-quality ingredients or to improve on customer feedback, these popular pizza chains revamped recipes for tastier pie.

Mashed – Fast Food, Celebrity Chefs, Grocery, Reviews
Give your Culver’s fish sandwich a tangy boost by adding one ingredient. It will enhance the flavor tenfold and have you wondering why you didn’t do it sooner.

Mashed – Fast Food, Celebrity Chefs, Grocery, Reviews
You have many options when it comes to slow cooking your meal, but these are some reasons that using a Dutch oven is better than a Crock-Pot for it.

Food Republic – Restaurants, Reviews, Recipes, Cooking Tips