Day: June 12, 2026

DEPARTMENT OF UNFORCED ERRORS: Mayor Zohran Mamdani held an annual Puerto Rican heritage event today at Gracie Mansion that underscored a growing tiff.

The afternoon celebration was pared-down. Prominent leaders never received an invite or declined to attend. And Nuyoricans were initially told it wasn’t going to happen at all.

Roughly 200 people milled about the ornate entertaining room in the mayor’s official residence on the Upper East Side. A smattering of elected officials past and present were there, among them state Sens. Gustavo Rivera and Kristen Gonzalez and former Council members Rafael Salamanca and Carlina Rivera.

“New York City government has not done its part to serve Puerto Rican New Yorkers. Our City Hall is determined to change that,” Mamdani told the crowd, citing his administration’s plan to build municipal grocery stores in East Harlem and the Bronx.

The vibe, however, was a bit off.

In a matter of weeks, the mayor’s office has turned what’s normally a routine and low-stakes way of keeping in good stead with the Puerto Rican community into a self-inflicted political wound that comes as the democratic socialist tries more broadly to sweep out an old guard of Latino elected officials.

“There are people who are still upset about this,” said Erica González, former executive editor of El Diario La Prensa, the oldest, largest Spanish-language daily newspaper in the country. “It’s begging the question about what the treatment of the Puerto Rican community is going to be.”

Upon taking office, Mamdani created an outreach division called the Mayor’s Office of Mass Engagement, which seeks to replicate the success of the volunteer army that helped propel him to victory (and in the process provide a taxpayer-funded boost to Mamdani’s reelection campaign). As POLITICO previously reported, the office also absorbed — and de-prioritized — several longstanding outreach divisions that help plan and execute events like today’s Gracie Mansion fiesta.

Earlier this month, a mass engagement representative told Puerto Rican leaders the annual event was not happening.

“In an effort to celebrate the National Puerto Rican Day in the company of as many working-class New Yorkers as possible, Mayor Mamdani and our administration are prioritizing his attendance at the 5th Ave Parade and the Knickerbocker Parade on June 14th instead of hosting an invitation-only reception,” Álvaro López, a former campaign staffer and DSA organizer who now works in the Office of Mass Engagement, wrote in an email.

Outrage inevitably followed. The mayor’s office quickly disavowed the email and said a reception was indeed in the works.

But at least some invitations didn’t go out until last week. Several prominent people weren’t contacted at all, and notable Puerto Rican political figures in the city — like former City Council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito — were no-shows. On top of that, today’s midday event didn’t keep with the tradition of throwing a large-scale, invite-only evening bash ahead of Sunday’s annual Puerto Rican Day Parade in Midtown. (The mayor’s office said heritage events will no longer feature a large tent in Gracie Mansion’s backyard). Some community leaders upset about the Mamdani snub held an alternative event Thursday evening in Brooklyn.

“It concerns me there is someone in the administration that thinks there’s some mythical, Downton Abbey class of Puerto Ricans that shows up to Gracie,” González said.

López, the Mass Engagement staffer whose email triggered much of the backlash, was on hand for Friday’s Gracie reception, tasked with checking in media at the front entrance. When a Playbook reporter arrived, López questioned why POLITICO should be allowed in. When asked why, López said he was only joking.

The dustup over the reception doesn’t seem to have affected Mamdani’s poll numbers with Latino voters. In a Data for Progress survey of New York City voters conducted May 20-26, nearly 60 percent of Latino respondents viewed the mayor either somewhat or very favorably.

The mayor is creating rifts elsewhere as well, though.

Mamdani endorsed a democratic socialist challenger to Rep. Adriano Espaillat in upper Manhattan and the Bronx, touching off a generational battle between older Dominican voters and younger, more affluent supporters of Darializa Avila Chevalier. And in Assemblymember Claire Valdez, Mamdani is betting against the chosen successor to Rep. Nydia Velázquez, one of the city’s most prominent Puerto Rican figures.

Velázquez was among those who skipped Mamdani’s Friday afternoon event, vaguely telling Playbook she had “too many things” to do. But in a sign of her irritation with Mamdani, she questioned why he threw a FIFA soccer event in Gracie’s backyard Thursday evening, saying it seemed like the same sort of private party his office is saying they want to move away from.

“We have to be clear about what is the policy going forward,” she said. “Because otherwise people will feel: Why them and not us?” — Chris Sommerfeldt  and Joe Anuta

FROM CITY HALL

ZOMBIE DISASSEMBLING: Yet another member of former Mayor Eric Adams’ legally dubious Charter Revision Commission has resigned — putting the zombie-like panel on the brink of extinction.

Ismael Claudio, a Brooklyn pastor who acted as a faith adviser to Adams while he was still mayor, resigned from the commission Monday, according to a person with direct knowledge of the matter who was granted anonymity to discuss the issue.

Kayla Mamelak, Adams’ former press secretary who also sits on the commission, wouldn’t comment on Claudio’s resignation. Claudio couldn’t be reached for comment.

Charter revision commissions, which are convened by mayors to propose ballot referendum questions for local elections, can only legally operate if they have at least nine members. With Claudio out, Adams’ panel only has nine members — the bare minimum to live on.

Three other members, Robert Tucker, Fernando Mateo and Shams DaBaron, also resigned in the past few weeks. Another two appointees, Martin Connor and Alfred Curtis, never filed the requisite paperwork to join the commission in the first place.

At least one additional member, retired labor leader Denis Hughes, hasn’t shown up to any of the commission’s public hearings. Mamelak insisted he is still a member of the commission, though. Hughes couldn’t be reached for comment.

Ultimately, resignations may be the smallest problem for the panel, which Adams launched on his final day in office.

Mamdani ordered Adams’ commission disbanded in late May, using a new authority granted him by the state. Mamdani also launched his own Charter Revision Commission and tasked it with advancing ballot questions for November related to improving government efficiency.

Randy Mastro, Adams’ former first deputy mayor and the counsel for Adams’ commission, has insisted Mamdani’s nullification order wasn’t lawful and is forging ahead.

On the same day Mamdani ordered Adams’ commission disbanded, the panel voted to advance a November ballot question that would, if approved by voters, establish an open primary system in local elections. Under such a system, it would likely be harder for democratic socialists like Mamdani to be elected, as the pool of primary voters would be expanded to include more conservative voters — a wrinkle that has reinforced many observers’ belief that Adams created his commission to deliberately stymie his successor.

In addition to voting to advance that referendum question, Adams’ commission has continued to hold public hearings to consider more questions for the November ballot. Among the additional proposals they’re looking at is a ballot question to create new, unspecified initiatives aimed at combating antisemitism in New York.

It’s unclear how the Adams commission’s actions — including those already taken — would be impacted if enough members resign for the panel to be nullified by default.

Mamdani’s administration has maintained that nothing the Adams commission is doing holds legal relevance since the mayor killed it weeks ago. — Chris Sommerfeldt 

FROM THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL

PAC IT UP, PART I: A shadowy super PAC war has descended upon the Democratic primary to take on Rep. Mike Lawler.

Progressive Champions PAC, a group that filed with the Federal Election Commission last month and has yet to disclose its donors, has placed close to $1 million on a TV advertising buy attacking Democratic candidate Cait Conley in the final days of the campaign.

Democrats were quick to accuse the group of being backed by GOP interests, pointing to a bank it shares with another PAC with ties to Republicans that spent in other Democratic primaries across the country.

It’s not unheard of for the opposite party to get involved in a primary across the aisle in an attempt to elevate candidates they think will be easier to defeat in the general election.

The ad hits Conley, an Army veteran who has drawn the support of national groups, over Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The narrator states that she is “bankrolled by firms partnered with a major ICE contractor targeting immigrants” — a reference to reporting that firms she consulted for aided immigration enforcement. She has repeatedly denied this claim.

“True activists fought ICE’s atrocities, but Conley kept collecting,” the ad continues. “That’s not progressive, that’s profiteering.”

In a statement, Conley said that “Republicans are seriously underestimating NY-17 Democrats who will see through their political lies and deceit.”

The PAC didn’t respond to Playbook’s request for comment. Its site states that its mission is to “elect bold, progressive candidates up and down the ballot who will fight for working families, protect our democracy, and build a future that works for everyone.”

Conley is one of five candidates running for the Democratic nod. Her two most high-profile challengers are Rockland County Legislator Beth Davidson, who like Conley is running as a moderate, and Tarrytown Trustee Effie Phillips-Staley, who has sought to claim the progressive lane. Some Democrats worry that a far-left candidate would make flipping the battleground seat more difficult in November.

Conley also placed some blame for the PAC attack on Davidson, who has public messaging on her site echoing a similar sentiment as the ad. Davidson also ran a spot hitting Conley on the immigration issue.

In response, Davidson in a statement said “Mike Lawler and Republican dark money groups have no place meddling in our Democratic primary. Full stop.” (Phillips-Staley also condemned the spending.)

Lawler hasn’t shied away from hitting his potential Democratic opponents throughout the primary. But on Friday, his campaign insisted it couldn’t be bothered by the messiness across the aisle.

“Frankly, we don’t care who survives this clown car primary because every single one of them supports raising taxes on working people, making New York a Sanctuary State, and doesn’t have an independent or bipartisan bone in their body,” Lawler campaign manager Ciro Riccardi said in a statement. — Madison Fernandez

PAC IT UP, PART II: There’s yet another super PAC in the high-dollar Democratic primary to succeed retiring Rep. Jerry Nadler.

Guardrails Alliance, a super PAC that registered with the FEC last month, has made a six-figure ad buy in the race, according to the ad tracker AdImpact. Public filings with the Federal Communications Commission show that the ad will refer to Assemblymember Alex Bores and focus on artificial intelligence — making it the latest AI-related PAC in the race.

Bores’ work on landmark AI regulation in the state Legislature has attracted millions of dollars both in support of and against him amid his congressional bid. Think Big — a super PAC backed by leaders at OpenAI and the venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz, among others who claim such regulation stifles innovation — has targeted Bores with more than $6 million in spending, according to FEC filings. A handful of other PACs, many of which have ties to those in the tech industry who are friendlier to AI guardrails, have spent $8 million supporting him, per the FEC.

Super PAC spending has been a sore spot in the race. In the closing days of the campaign, Bores’ opponents have expressed frustration with the heavy super PAC spending in support of him. — Madison Fernandez

BERNIE COMES TO TOWN: Bernie Sanders, Vermont senator and democratic socialist forefather, is coming to New York on Thursday in a last-minute push to boost progressive congressional candidates.

The New York Times first reported the event is set to feature Assemblymember Claire Valdez, who is running in the open race to succeed Velázquez; Darializa Avila Chevalier, who’s challenging Democratic Rep. Adriano Espaillat; and former city Comptroller Brad Lander, who’s looking to unseat Rep. Dan Goldman. All three are endorsed by Mamdani, who is also expected to join the rally.

Sanders’ team confirmed the event to Playbook.

Sanders, who is wildly popular in New York, previously endorsed Valdez and Lander. Both Valdez and Avila Chevalier are members of the Democratic Socialists of America and are backed by the city chapter in their bids; the two cross-endorsed each other.

But Lander has tried to keep some distance, despite appearing in a joint advertisement with Mamdani’s congressional slate. When asked at a press conference earlier this week why he would appear in that ad with Avila Chevalier, who attended a pro-Palestinian rally the day after Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack in 2023 — the same rally Lander said he left the DSA over — he said it was an “opportunity to show New Yorkers that politics can be a team sport.” He also clarified that he has not endorsed candidates in any other congressional primaries.

Avila Chevalier told reporters last week that she went to that rally to “stand against” Israel engaging in “a response that is often disproportionate and creates a greater loss of life.” She added that she has “condemned Hamas” and does “not believe that celebrating the loss of anybody’s life is OK.”

Avila Chevalier’s profile has been heightened in recent weeks, following Mamdani’s endorsement. But with that has also come more scrutiny — particularly of her social media activity from the beginning of the decade. One such post criticized what she called Sanders’ “liberal Zionism.” But Avila Chevalier has repeatedly said that she has changed in the years since she made those posts and has accused Espaillat of relitigating old posts to distract from other issues in the race. — Jason Beeferman and Madison Fernandez

WORLD CUP WATCH

MOHAWK VALLEY MADNESS: When Bosnian refugees started arriving in Utica in the mid-1990s, it was a down-on-its-heels upstate Rust Belt city that had seen its population crater by roughly a third from a midcentury peak of just over 100,000 residents.

“I thought I came to another war zone when I came here,” said Hanka Grabovica, who arrived in the Mohawk Valley city in 2001 when she was 16 years old, citing the prevalence of boarded-up buildings and garbage on the streets. “Utica was pretty bad back then.”

Grabovica was part of a wave of Bosnian refugees who settled in Utica after fleeing the brutal war in their native country — and its messy aftermath — that followed the breakup of Yugoslavia. Exact figures are tough to pin down, but it’s believed that about 6,000 Bosnians now live in Utica — or nearly 10 percent of the total population.

The city’s unlikely emergence as an epicenter of Bosnian American culture will probably never be more prominently on display than this afternoon when Bosnia and Herzegovina faces Canada on the second day of the World Cup. It’s just the second time Bosnia has qualified for the tournament since it became an independent country in 1992.

The dramatic and unlikely way that the country punched its ticket to North America — knocking off four-time World Cup champion Italy via penalty kicks in a one-match playoff — has heightened the delirium among Bosnians from Sarajevo to St. Louis (the largest enclave of Bosnians in the U.S.) to Utica.

“Seeing this national team progress to the World Cup is definitely something amazing,” said Sandro Sehic, secretary of the Bosnian American Community Association of Utica, noting that many ethnic Serbians and Croatians who live in the country still refuse to play for the national team owing to lingering tensions from the war. “Bosnia is still struggling politically, socially. There are still so many problems that are still affecting the country.” Read more from Paul Demko in POLITICO  

IN OTHER NEWS

— GROCERY EXPANSION: City Council member Jennifer Gutiérrez introduced a bill to expand Mamdani’s city-owned grocery story plan and make it a permanent part of city government. (The City Reporter)

— WHO CALLS THE SHOTS: GOP gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman called Gov. Kathy Hochul’s newly passed bill that requires children to be vaccinated for summer camp “un-American.” (Gothamist)

— BUG INVASION: Tick season is in full swing with a rare case of Lyme disease being detected in the Empire State for the first time. (CBS News)

Missed this morning’s New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.

​Politics

Just after halftime in their country’s match against South Africa on Thursday afternoon, Mexican embassy officials were nervous.

Forward Julián Quiñones scored a goal in the first nine minutes, and spirits were high at the embassy’s Washington watch party where mini-burritos, cervezas and — in a nod to the bilateral relationship — McDonald’s hamburgers and walking tacos were flowing freely. But South Africa’s shots on Mexico’s goal were creating staccatos of panic as the score remained 1-0.

“So far, so good — but it could be better,” one diplomat quipped.

Talk to Mexican officials, diplomats and business leaders, and it’s a sentiment that’s apropos of the current state of the bilateral relationship between the U.S. and Mexico as the two countries, along with Canada, kick off six weeks of FIFA World Cup festivities.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum — who did not attend the opening match — has earned plaudits on both sides of the border for her behind-the-scenes work to cultivate a solid working relationship with President Donald Trump, despite vastly different political orientations and persistent friction over migration, drug trafficking and trade.

Sheinbaum’s domestic challenges were also on full display outside the historic Azteca stadium Thursday, where hundreds of protesters demanding pay raises for teachers and more resources for the search of 130,000 missing persons in Mexico clashed with police and threw cones and other projectiles into the security perimeter.

Now, at what should be a continental high-water mark — as North America unites to host the World Cup — the relationship is instead facing its greatest test. Tensions are running high over the future of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement, a brewing extradition standoff over several Morena party officials — including the governor of Sinaloa — and Trump’s fresh threats on Wednesday to target drugs “coming in by land” via Mexico.

“It’s on a knife’s edge,” said Arturo Sarukhán, Mexico’s ambassador to the U.S. during the Bush and Obama administrations. “The paradox is that all of this is playing out as the World Cup kicks off, a World Cup that should have been a moment to celebrate the promise of North America, and to talk about the future of a North American century.”

The strain on the bilateral relationship beyond the World Cup is existential for Mexico — about 80 percent of the country’s exports flow to the United States — but also for the U.S., Mexico is the United States’ largest trading partner, with two-way trade topping $872 billion in 2025, accounting for roughly 15 percent of all goods coming into the U.S. And the integration runs deep into American supply chains, like autos and electronics, meaning that anything that seriously destabilizes the relationship is bad economic news for the U.S.

For now, the anxiety is largely one-directional, as Trump world remains broadly bullish on the U.S.-Mexico relationship even amid genuine turbulence. Two CIA officers were killed in an April crash in Chihuahua that revealed U.S. intelligence operatives working in the field alongside Mexican state investigators without, Mexican officials say, the federal government’s authorization. The Sinaloa indictments followed just over a week later.

“It’s a pressure point, but I also think if you ask people who work on this, they’d say that — relative to where we’ve been in the past — the security cooperation with Mexico is pretty good under Sheinbaum,” said Alex Gray, a former senior National Security Council official in the first Trump administration. “I think things are, all things considered, not bad.”

Even the original architects of the 2026 World Cup bid, which was won during the first Trump administration, agree that cracks in the U.S.-Mexico relationship were a more serious issue eight years ago.

North American soccer executives told POLITICO that bringing the U.S. together with Mexico wasn’t easy at a time when Trump was calling NAFTA — the precursor to USMCA — “a disaster” and demanding Mexico pay for his border wall.

White House aides laud Sheinbaum’s cooperation on everything from preventing the spread of Ebola heading into the World Cup to efforts to combat drug trafficking. A senior White House official, granted anonymity to speak candidly about the bilateral relationship, described it simply as “good.”

“I mean, there have been shared responsibilities, like, for example, the whole Ebola thing, right? We worked with them and Canada to ensure that there is proper vetting of individuals coming into the countries,” the official said. “We’re obviously working with her on combatting cartels on many fronts, so it’s good.”

The Mexican embassy in Washington did not respond to a request for comment.

Yet Mexican officials have watched the relationship unfold with a kind of cognitive dissonance, marked by progress in one lane and crisis in another. Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin’s meeting last month with Sheinbaum in Mexico, for instance, was seen as a positive step for the bilateral relationship, particularly for the security cooperation that has underpinned it.

But that goodwill is being tested on several fronts. The Morena indictments are creating a domestic quagmire for Sheinbaum, who is demanding “overwhelming and irrefutable proof” before moving against Sinaloa Gov. Rubén Rocha Moya and the nine other current and former Mexican officials who have been charged by the U.S. Justice Department with drug trafficking and weapons offenses.

Trade talks between the two countries had also been going reasonably well — so much so that the two have been talking without Canada even at the table. But Trump on Wednesday injected a fresh dose of uncertainty by saying he was “not looking to renew” the pact and dismissed the notion that the U.S. needed either of its neighbors. And the countries are all but certain to miss the July 1 date to renew the agreement, with a third round of talks scheduled in Mexico City the week of July 20.

The uncertainty has left proponents of the bilateral relationship nervously reading the tea leaves of Trump’s public appearances for any indication of growing irritation with Sheinbaum.

“What I’m seeing is it’s not just one single relationship: We have several individual and topic-based agendas. You have something very good in one hand and something struggling in the other. What we’re trying obviously is to have an umbrella relationship that is good, that makes the other individual agendas also good,” said Enrique Perret, managing director of the U.S.-Mexico Foundation. “But right now we don’t have that good umbrella relationship. That’s what we’re missing.”

The two leaders still have yet to meet at the White House, a move that some south of the border see as a carefully calculated effort on Sheinbaum’s part to not take any unnecessary gambles with the relationship, and avoid the kind of Oval Office spectacle that became commonplace between Trump and world leaders last year.

The two have only met once in person — at the official draw for the 2026 FIFA World Cup in December. Whether they’ll appear together at any games in the coming weeks remains an open question.

​Politics