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Politics

Class act: The working-class game binding London and Canberra

CANBERRA — When a new British prime minister speaks to their Australian counterpart for the first time, it’s a reset of Australia’s oldest and deepest relationship.

The agenda seems obvious: Intelligence sharing. Tariffs. Hot war and simmering conflict.

If the conversation turns to sport, cricket has often been the obvious choice.

But as Andy Burnham began his introductory calls to world leaders, he and Anthony Albanese got to rugby league.

On their July 23 leader-to-leader call, the two men talked animatedly about the sport they have each spent a lifetime inside.

Albanese told Burnham he would love to see the Kangaroos, the Australian national side, tour the United Kingdom soon.

“I used to love watching the old Kangaroo Tours to the U.K.,” Albanese told POLITICO, reminiscing about “Mal Meninga’s try at Old Trafford in the green and gold” in 1990, in Burnham’s home town of Manchester, one of “those small grounds where the fans are right there on the tiny dead ball lines.”

By the end of the call, according to Burnham’s office, he agreed to support Albanese’s team, the South Sydney Rabbitohs. “I’m happy to barrack for Prime Minister Burnham’s Leopards in return,” Albanese said.

It wasn’t just small talk.

The AUKUS military alliance requires London and Canberra to operate at a level of trust that treaties and memorandums can’t manufacture. Delivering nuclear-powered submarines to Australia to ward off Chinese aggression will take decades of shared industrial secrets, shipyard schedules and nuclear technology.

Personal chemistry between leaders is not a substitute for institutional machinery, but it is the lubricant.

Burnham and Albanese have a shared, unfakeable claim to a working-class sport at exactly the moment both left-wing leaders are trying to hold onto working-class voters in the face of a right-wing populist challenge.

Burnham told POLITICO that deep love of the sport is “one of the many reasons the friendship between our two countries runs as deep as it does.”

“In the North of England, rugby league is in our blood. It is played and watched week in, week out, rain or shine, and I know that is a feeling shared in communities right across Australia too,” he said.

The code of collective action

Burnham’s urgent political mission is to stem the flow of working-class voters who have switched from Labour to Nigel Farage’s hard-right Reform UK, in many post-industrial Northern towns of Lancashire and Yorkshire, and nearby Cumbria and Cheshire, where rugby league is played.

Reconnecting with these communities is critical for Burnham’s hopes of saving Labour from defeat at the next U.K. general election, which is not due until 2029 but could potentially come sooner.

And the culture of rugby league is one that aligns closely with Labour’s left-wing history and its mission in these very same parts of the country: The sport only exists because of a fight about money and class

In 1895, clubs in the north of England broke from Rugby Union over the refusal of the sport’s authorities to compensate players for wages lost to injury or time away from work.

Wealthy players didn’t need the support, while working-class players decided their only option was to quit, and set up a rival code that allowed them to receive a wage for their efforts.

Players in Australia — formed out of British colonies and still firmly in the British Empire — soon followed suit, and the split never healed. Neither did the class coding.

Union, which was devised in a historic, prestigious private school, remains a fixture of British and Australian fee-paying schools.

Australia’s opposition leader, Angus Taylor, a Rhodes Scholar and former McKinsey consultant, plays Rugby Union. Albanese, who grew up with a single mother in social housing, played league.

Burnham’s Northern assets

League “has a very particular culture,” said Tony Collins, emeritus professor of history at De Montfort University and the author of several books on the sport. It understands itself, he said, as working-class, democratic and inclusive — and reflexively anti-establishment.

That is a useful thing for a politician like Burnham to be fluent in. Their League connections present them, he said, as ordinary blokes voters could have a pint with. “It’s the man in the pub thing,” Collins said.

Burnham’s northern identity is one of the few assets his party has that Farage cannot replicate.

The British leader has decades of involvement in the sport, serving as honorary chair of Leigh Centurions (Now Leigh Leopards), a team dating back to 1895. In 2018 he served as president of Rugby Football League, the sport’s governing body, an appointment he described as “one of the greatest honors I’ve ever been given.”

Burnham’s advocacy for greater investment in community-driven sport mirrors Albanese’s passion.

“Rugby league is about community. It’s about local identity,” Albanese said, and those who see the sport, its teams and its players as commodities to be traded or cut “don’t understand the sense of belonging it fosters.”

The pair talk about rugby league in the way Labor leaders were once able to talk about their own parties: mass movements marked by their sense of tightly-knit community.

Albanese’s 118-year grudge

Named for hawkers who walked Sydney’s streets selling wild rabbits to those too poor to afford other meat, Albanese’s Rabbitohs were founded in 1908 by working men from the city’s factory belt.

The club went on to win 20 premierships between 1908 and 1971 — still a record — the year Albanese’s mother took her starry-eyed 8-year-old son to watch the sport’s Grand Final.

Albanese played the sport for practical reasons: he could reach the training ground at inner Sydney’s Redfern Oval by bus — his family could not afford a car.

His days ended after school as he climbed the Labor ranks, becoming one of its youngest officials and an MP from his early 30s. Then came Rupert Murdoch.

In 1996, the newly-elected Albanese rose in the House to condemn a Federal Court decision clearing the establishment of Super League, a breakaway Murdoch-funded competition.

Calling it a battle between the community history of the game and the “private domination of this game by an individual,” Albanese risked his political career in labeling Murdoch’s venture “un-Australian”.

Famous for brow-beating Labor politicians, Murdoch’s newspapers controlled more than 70 percent of Australian news print circulation and set the daily agenda.

While Super League eventually collapsed back into the non-profit National Rugby League, the Rabbitohs did not survive the wreckage. Administrators cut the club in 1999, seeking a leaner competition and clubs with bigger fan bases and deeper pockets.

Albanese used his office to cultivate a backlash that became the largest sustained sports protest in Australian history.

As a Rabbitohs board member, Albanese tabled motions in Parliament, helped organize rallies and joined nearly 100,000 people marching through Sydney demanding their team back.

“This debate goes to the very heart of the alienation which people are feeling about our society,” he told the House in Nov. 1999. He was in the Federal Court in 2001 when it ordered the Rabbitohs readmitted to the competition, finding their exclusion breached the Trade Practices Act.

Authenticity dividend

While many would find it hard to outdo life membership of their favorite team — an honor Albanese received in 2013 — he took his fandom a step further: marrying a Rabbitohs fan who shouted the club’s battle cry from the audience during a speech by Albanese.

A first date with pension fund executive Jodie Haydon followed just before Covid lockdowns, and the pair married in 2025.

Businessperson Peter Holmes à Court in 2006 bought a 75 percent stake in the Rabbitohs with actor Russell Crowe, with Albanese’s blessing. He argues the prime minister’s obsession is the rare kind voters detect as genuine.

“His love for the Rabbitohs is absolutely authentic,” Holmes à Court told POLITICO. Instead of seeing a politician looking for photo opportunities, with Albanese his team pride is “like an organ, another arm.”

Albanese’s fandom occasionally overwhelms his official role.

In March 2026 he joined an on-field invasion draped in club colors after the Rabbitohs’ Alex Johnston broke the NRL’s all-time try record, telling Nine Television “it was worth it to be part of history.” In July he told comedian podcaster Nikki Osborne that a Souths win is “always a good aphrodisiac.”

“Anti-snobbery is the new movement, right? You can’t be too woke, but you also can’t be too elite in a populist revolutionary world,” Holmes à Court said.

Albanese rallies to the defense of his sport at the dispatch box on the floor of Parliament, and promises to use his relationship with Burnham to “discuss getting more kids off screens and onto sporting fields in our two great countries.”

Burnham keeps it similarly practical: “Together we are delivering good jobs through our AUKUS programme, ensuring young people get a good start in life, and driving down the cost of living. I know as two progressive Labour leaders we have a close friendship ahead of us.”

Albanese won’t be getting his desired Kangaroos tour of the U.K. this year.

England’s team is headed Down Under instead, for the Rugby League World Cup, beginning Oct. 15.

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Sports Fox

NFL Confidential: What’s Next For RB Market After Gibbs, Robinson, Taylor Extensions

After running backs were viewed as a dispensable for years, Jahmyr Gibbs, Bijan Robinson and Jonathan Taylor all proved that the position could still be viewed as valuable last week. All three star running backs each signed extensions that will net them over $20 million per year. Gibbs signed the largest extension of the group, agreeing to a three-year, $67.5 million pact with the Detroit Lions that made him the highest-paid running back in NFL history. That agreement came days after Robinson set the mark for the highest-paid running back in NFL history, inking a three-year, $66.75 million deal with the Atlanta Falcons. Jonathan Taylor, meanwhile, signed a two-year, $44 million extension with the Indianapolis Colts to make him the third highest-paid player in the history of the position. Those contracts also came just a few months after the Arizona Cardinals used the third overall pick in the 2026 NFL Draft to select Jeremiah Love. That selection marked the first time a running back was taken in the top five of the NFL Draft in eight years. So, with all of these major running back investments being made, are we seeing the position go through a renaissance? We asked people around the league what they thought about the extensions, and what could be next at running back. Eric D. Williams: Bijan Robinson and Jahmyr Gibbs appeared to strike a breakthrough for running backs this past week when they each signed extensions over $22 million per year just three years after being taken early in the first round of the 2023 draft. Saquon Barkley had been the only running back making over $20 million annually, with an average annual salary of $20.6 million. While the rise in running back salaries could be seen as a good sign, it also points to Robinson and Gibbs’ role as overall playmakers who are also effective pass catchers, and it pales in comparison to the top receiver salaries in the league, according to a source I spoke with who negotiates player contracts. “In spite of the Robinson and Gibbs deals, front offices still view the running back position as a value opportunity from a cap and contract management standpoint,” the league source told me. “Not a slight to Zay Flowers or any other $30 million wide receivers not named J’Marr Chase or Justin Jefferson, but Robinson and Gibbs are $30 million [and maybe $40 million] per year players, if we were solely valuing them on their impact on the game. “When considering Jaxon Smith-Njigba’s $42.15 APY (average per year) at the top of the WR market against Gibbs’ $22.5 million at the top of the running back market, Smith-Njigba makes 87% more than Gibbs. Yet Smith-Njigba is not 87% more impactful than Gibbs, so we still have a long way to go before one can say the RB market is increasingly being valued more.” Since joining the league in 2023, Robinson is tops in scrimmage yards at 5,648 while Gibbs is third in scrimmage yards at 5,029. Smith-Njigba is 20th in scrimmage yards over that same period with 3,613, but signed a four-year, $168.6 million extension in March that made him the highest-paid non-quarterback in league history at the time. While NFL general managers theoretically can piece together a running back room that, in the aggregate, can get close to matching the production of players like Robinson and Gibbs, it’s fair to question whether that approach can bring elite production to the position. “The notion is that because you can find serviceable running backs on Day 3 of the draft and in college free agency that it’s an easily replaceable position,” the contract negotiator told me. “There’s truth to that, but in my opinion, the same can be said at wide receiver, yet there’s an 87% delta between the top of the running back market and the top of the WR market.” Ralph Vacchiano: The flurry of recent lucrative contract extensions for running backs was somewhat unexpected, given how NFL teams had begun to undervalue the position in recent years. But it may not be a full-market correction, because a lot of NFL teams still view it as a big risk to invest in any but the best NFL running backs for more than a couple of years. “It really is player-dependent, and maybe a bit team-dependent, too,” an NFL executive told me. “It’s not a great use of money for a team that isn’t ready to win. If it’s what puts you over the top, then sure, a running back could make a big difference. But if you’re building a team, other positions have way more value.” And even for those teams ready to win, their willingness to invest has its limits. None of the recent extensions were for more than four years, and they were all structured in a way that the teams can get out of them after a couple of years without being stuck with a large cap down the road. “None of these deals are really long-term or cap-killing, which is the key,” the executive told me. “It’s still a dangerous position. You can’t lock up too much in a spot where players can break down or wear down fast.” And because of the high attrition rate, there is no trickle-down effect. The top running backs may be getting richer, but they’re not carrying lesser backs along for the financial ride. “At the top, sure, teams see the value of Bijan and Saquon and Taylor. Maybe there are 10 to 15 guys that can draw those contracts,” an NFL agent told me. “But overall, I still think teams are wary about paying at that position. They see too many players get hurt, or have only two-to-three good seasons before going off a cliff. They’d rather put money in positions that last longer. “That’s why even those big deals are short. They want to make sure that two or three years down the road they can get out of them without a big bill.” Henry McKenna: Bijan Robinson and Jahmyr Gibbs are unanimously considered the NFL’s RB1 and RB2. That’s why the two players got — more or less — the same contract. And that’s why those contracts were unlike anything we’d seen before at the position. “I think it’s a little cyclical,” one AFC executive told me this week. For the longest time, the thought process around the NFL was that running backs don’t matter — not from a financial standpoint. But Saquon Barkley upended that rule for general managers. And since the Eagles won the Super Bowl with Barkley, we’ve seen the running back market strengthen, whether it’s through deals for Gibbs and Robinson — or through Ashton Jeanty and Jeremiyah Love going in the top six picks in their respective drafts, which made them top-10 earners at their positions (at the time of their selection). “The running back market is very interesting,” an NFC executive told me. “It was one of the few markets that didn’t grow with the cap. Bijan and Gibbs are two unicorns, but it’s going to affect the entire running back market significantly. I’m sure James Cook is not happy. As teams continue to borrow from the future, these top contracts are outpacing the cap pretty significantly. Something interesting to watch as we move forward through this agreement.” Cook and the Buffalo Bills agreed to a four-year, $46 million contract last August. There are two major differences in what they got guaranteed. First, it’s about what the teams guaranteed at signing. Cook got $28.8 million guaranteed and Gibbs got $51.4 million guaranteed. The second difference is what they’ll get paid in salary starting in 2029. That’s the year when Gibbs is set to earn $22.3 million and Cook is set to earn $10.4 million. (Their salaries to that point are comparable.) So did Cook get ripped off? Or is he simply a different player than Gibbs and Robinson? Cook’s rushing production was better than both running backs in 2025, but he isn’t quite as much of a contributor in the passing game. And then there’s the matter of Cook’s offensive line, widely considered the NFL’s best last season. It’s fair to wonder whether Gibbs or Robinson might have put up 2,000 rushing yards behind that line in 2026. “I mean those guys who got deals done this week are special players that are more than running backs,” an AFC executive texted me. “They are weapons. So I’m ok with using space on that but not on a more traditional 2-down runner.” If you can make plays in the passing game, you’re worth big money. If not, it might be a harder sell.​Latest Sports News from FOX Sports

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Alaska News

After Alaska’s ‘final four’ primary, a silent primary may decide who’s on the ballot in November

Alaska’s two leading Democratic candidates for governor have quietly been discussing whether one of them should quit the race if both are among the top four vote-getters in Tuesday’s primary election. 

Jonathan Kreiss-Tomkins and Tom Begich each said by phone on Thursday that they’ve been discussing different scenarios about what could happen when the final votes are counted.

Republicans have been talking about similar maneuvers for months, with one prominent Republican group going so far as to run ads urging lower-finishing candidates to withdraw in order to consolidate the vote in November.

“Both sides are trying to figure out: What does the top four look like? And how are we best positioned for success?” said Bernadette Wilson, one of the leading Republican candidates for governor in Alaska’s 17-person race.

Under Alaska’s election system, the top four vote-getters — regardless of political party — advance to the November general election. That may mean multiple Republicans or Democrats on the same ballot, competing for the same votes.

In November, voters in the general election will be asked to rank those four candidates in order of preference. 

After all the votes are in, the candidate with the fewest number of first-choice preferences is eliminated. Any voters who ranked that candidate first will have their votes go to their second choice.

The process repeats until only two candidates are left. 

In theory, that means no vote splitting. Anyone whose favorite candidate is eliminated can instead vote for someone else.

In practice, some Alaska voters ranked only one or two candidates in the 2022 and 2024 statewide elections, leading to an unusual number of “exhausted” ballots whose votes went to neither of the final two candidates. 

Two years ago, that led to large amounts of post-primary maneuvering as lower-finishing candidates withdrew from races in order to force unfavorable matchups for one top finisher or another.

In the U.S. House race, two top Republican finishers withdrew after the primary, which put imprisoned Democratic U.S. House candidate Eric Hafner into the final four.

That November, Hafner was eliminated first, and fewer than half his votes transferred to the other Democrat, then-incumbent Rep. Mary Peltola. 

That was less than Peltola’s margin of defeat — Peltola was defeated by current Rep. Nick Begich III, R-Alaska — but in a closer race, it could have been decisive.

Now, as Peltola runs for U.S. Senate against incumbent Sen. Dan Sullivan, R-Alaska, a similar strategy is playing out. 

National groups have spent more than $2 million in an attempt to boost lesser-known candidates into the final four and potentially split the field. 

Dan J. Sullivan, unrelated to the incumbent senator, is on the ballot but told the Chicago Tribune that he’s uncertain whether he will remain in the race if he makes the top four. 

In the 17-person race to replace Gov. Mike Dunleavy — who is term-limited and unable to run this year — candidates have been talking for over a year about whether or not they will be willing to bow out after the primary.

Wilson entered the race in May 2025 and promptly pledged to withdraw after the primary if she finished behind another Republican. It’s a pledge she’s renewed since then.

“I don’t think that it’s smart to carry on. … I don’t think that we need any more division as we head into November. I don’t think that it’s smart to split up the voting base, the volunteers that help, I don’t think it’s smart to split up the finances,” she said.

Wilson also said that having multiple candidates from the same party risks denying the eventual winner a mandate — a margin of victory so large that it gives the winner political backing to implement their platform.

“I think it’s important that a governor win by a strong strongest margin as possible, because I think that it’s important for the stability and the unity of the state past November,” she said.

Wilson has also been campaigning hard to repeal Alaska’s current elections system with Ballot Measure 2, which will come in front of voters in November.

Post-primary juggling is evidence that ranked choice voting doesn’t work, she said.

Supporters of the state’s elections system and some detractors have said that it dilutes the influence of the Republican and Democratic parties. Wilson doesn’t see it that way. 

“I think it’s just made it worse,” Wilson said. “I think it’s handed more power to backroom conversations, and I just don’t think the public’s gonna like it.”

Jenny-Marie Stryker, executive director of the Alaska Democratic Party, was traveling on Friday and unavailable for an interview, a spokesman said. Carmela Warfield, chair of the Alaska Republican Party, did not respond to an email.

The Valley Republican Women, an influential group based in the Matanuska-Susitna Borough, has an ongoing ad campaign that urges Republicans to “vote the primary, consolidate the vote” and “don’t split the field.” 

Julia Anastos, campaign manager for the group opposing Ballot Measure 2, said by email that gamesmanship isn’t new in Alaska.

“Parties and political insiders will always strategize about who should run and who should drop out. These kinds of maneuvers happen under a partisan primary as well, like in the 2014 and 2018 gubernatorial races, when would-be spoiler candidates dropped out to clear the lane for a stronger candidate,” she said. “Under our system now, ranked choice voting addresses that spoiler effect and ensures the winning candidate has earned majority support.”

The issue of what to do after the primary was a key issue at a forum earlier this month in Soldotna, when five candidates were directly asked about the issue.

“I would stay in,” nonpartisan candidate Meda DeWitt told forum attendees. 

As a nonpartisan, she sees herself able to attract second-choice votes from both Republicans and Democrats.

“I actually appreciate ranked choice voting because your vote is not lost if your top pick doesn’t get in,” she said.

Adam Crum, a Republican candidate and former Dunleavy cabinet official, said he thinks there’s an advantage to having multiple Republicans in the general election.

“It actually does make more sense for more conservatives to stay in it, because you actually work together,” he said. 

In the 2022 special election to replace Rep. Don Young, R-Alaska, Republican candidates Sarah Palin and Nick Begich III frequently fought each other on the campaign trail. That turned off Republican voters, Crum noted. 

During the current primary election campaign, he said, “We have actually done a very good job … of actually working together and pushing forward ideas.”

A cordial campaign keeps voters involved and going to the polls, he said.

“You actually increase the ceiling, and the math actually works out. I’m a numbers guy. Over time, it does work,” Crum said.

Matt Heilala, a podiatrist and Republican who has put more than $1.5 million of his own money into a campaign for governor, said that last year, “I had the thought that I would immediately withdraw because we saw what happened with Sarah and Nick.”

Now, he’s not as sure. What if there’s “an indictment, an October surprise, some kind of a shenanigan that the opposing party is going to play on the person that is 10 votes ahead of me, and they’re just waiting for me to leave?” he asked. 

In that case, having another Republican would be helpful, he suggested.

Dave Bronson, the former Anchorage mayor and Republican candidate for governor, said he intends to reserve his options until he sees what happens in the primary.

“The notion that I would stand up and say at this point in time I’ll absolutely get out if I’m No. 2 on the Republican side — that’s foolishness,” he said.

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