Category: Alaska News

The Alaska Senate passed a bill Monday that would ban public schools in Alaska from serving certain food dyes in school breakfasts or lunches.

Lawmakers expressed concerns that certain petroleum-based food dyes in processed foods have unhealthy side effects on children.

Sen. Bill Wielechowski, D-Anchorage, the sponsor of Senate Bill 187, said Monday, “We like to sell our petroleum to fuel our cars and generate our power plants, not to feed our kids.”

Wielechowski pointed to studies that suggested that artificial dyes are linked to increased hyperactivity, inattentiveness and allergic reactions in children.

The bill would ban red dyes Nov. 3 and No. 40, yellow dyes No. 5 and No. 6, blue dyes No. 1 and No. 2 and green dye No. 3.

The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and the U.S. Food and Drug Administration announced a campaign in April 2025 to eliminate synthetic dyes from the U.S. food supply by the end of 2027 and to authorize natural color alternatives. Alaska proposes banning the same food dye in schools that HHS and the FDA are working with the food industry to eliminate.

The bill received strong support from Alaska Community Action on Toxics and opposition from the International Association of Color Manufacturers, which maintains that synthetic dyes are safe for consumers.

Carlee Johnson McIntosh, Petersburg School District food service director, wrote in a letter to legislators that the bill aligns with work the school district is already doing to remove synthetic dyes from school meal programs. She said the bill would not create a significant burden for the school district.

“Schools should be environments where students are set up for success, and access to nutritious meals plays an important role in that success,” Johnson McIntosh wrote. “Establishing these standards in state law would demonstrate Alaska’s ongoing commitment to student health, regardless of potential shifts at the federal level.”

The bill passed the Senate with 19 yes votes. Sen. Donny Olson, D-Golovin, was excused absent. 

If it passes the House and becomes law, it would go into effect in January 2028. Alaska would join states including Arizona, California, Delaware, Louisiana, Virginia and West Virginia in banning artificial food dyes in schools.

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Multiple law enforcement agencies arrested seven people in Anchorage and the Matanuska-Susitna Valley last week on charges of sex trafficking after a yearlong investigation found that multiple massage parlors were fronts for criminal enterprises.

“Human trafficking criminal enterprises operate in plain sight while victims are exploited for labor, services and commercial sex acts through force, fraud or coercion,” Matthew Schlegel, special agent in charge of the FBI Anchorage Field Office, said during a press conference Thursday.

Anchorage Police Department, Alaska State Troopers, the FBI Anchorage Field Office are part of a task force that investigates sex and human trafficking. Homeland Security Investigations, U.S. Customs and Border Protection, Army Criminal Investigation Division, the U.S. Coast Guard, Wasilla Police Department and the Anchorage Airport Police Department assisted in the investigation.

Officers searched Jasmine Spa, Zen Massage, Stream Health Spa of Wasilla, Phoenix Health Spa, Owl Health Spa, Renew Day Spa, Red House Massage of Anchorage and two Anchorage residences in connection with the investigation.

Law enforcement arrested Lee Merrill Van Ness, 72, of Anchorage, Terry Allen Volkman, 53, of Anchorage, Hui Zhang, 44, Hong Zhen Li, 51, of New York, Guoguo Zhang, 54, of Wasilla, Tuan Huynh, 34, of Anchorage, and Xiaotian Xiong, 40, of New York, on felony charges of sex trafficking.

Alaska State Troopers Colonel Maurice Hughes said during a press conference Thursday that they targeted these illegitimate operations because they were exploiting individual and vulnerable adults. 

Hughes said that the victims were offered support and connected with resources.

“These individuals were not the focus of the investigation. They were the reason for the investigation,” he said.

Law enforcement identified massage parlors that advertised commercial sexual services online during the investigation. The investigation entailed undercover officers visiting various massage parlors and posing as customers looking for sex in exchange for money, a criminal complaint stated. Law enforcement allege that the seven people arrested harbored victims of human and sex trafficking and forced them to pose as masseuses.

The massage parlors may be linked to international organized crime organized out of Flushing, New York, and Monterey Park, California, according to charging documents. Law enforcement may file additional charges as the investigation continues.

Anchorage Police Chief Sean Case attributed the length of the investigation to the complex nature of the allegations.

Alaska Bureau of Investigation Commander Tony Wegrzyn said that investigators have “a mountain of evidence to go through.”

According to Wegrzyn, all victims were from outside of Alaska.

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An Anchorage mother whose son died from a fentanyl overdose is continuing to champion national and statewide action to raise awareness around the dangers of the synthetic opioid and prevent future deaths.

On Wednesday, Sandy Snodgrass was recognized with a legislative citation of honor at the Alaska State Capitol by Anchorage Democratic Senator Bill Wielechowski for her advocacy work. 

In December, Snodgrass attended the signing of a package of legislation, including Bruce’s Law, which directs federal funds toward youth education and community-based treatment and recovery programs. It’s named after her son who died in 2021 and was sponsored by Alaska’s U.S. senators and signed by President Donald Trump.

“This is a different world we live in with fentanyl now,” Snodgrass said in a lunchtime presentation  after receiving the award. “We live in a world where one pill, one half pill can kill you. And it’s not a tolerance, you know, it’s one time and you can die.”

Trained as a clinical psychologist, Snodgrass founded the Alaska Fentanyl Response Project aimed at raising awareness about overdose deaths, particularly among young people, sharing stories of those who have died and advocating for legislation and resources for prevention and addiction treatment. 

“I talk about it as a three legged stool,” she said. She described demand reduction, law enforcement and treatment as the three legs of the stool. “And if we don’t do all three, the stool will fall over,” she said. 

She said her focus is demand reduction. “So I am not law enforcement,” she added. “I don’t have a treatment center. But I did have a child that died from fentanyl poisoning, and so I can tell my story to anybody, anywhere, anytime.”

“You can never die from an illicit drug if you never try an illicit drug,” she said. 

Snodgrass’ son, Robert Bruce Snodgrass, died at the age of 22 in 2021, during a wave when Alaska saw the highest increase in opioid deaths nationwide, a 75% increase from 2020 to 2021, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 

Fentanyl is a synthetic opioid, clinically prescribed for pain, and is more potent than other opioids like morphine or heroin. As little as two milligrams — an amount the size of a few grains of salt — can be fatal. 

The Alaska wave of fentanyl deaths peaked in 2023, according to state data, with 357 reported deaths. Last year, there were 245 deaths reported from 2024 to 2025, according to the most recently available data, with the majority in Anchorage.

Thousands more non-fatal overdoses were reported each month, with many surviving thanks to the use of emergency naloxone, known as Narcan, a life-saving drug that can quickly reverse an opioid overdose. 

She said it’s a difficult message to convey the risks to young people, like her son.

“Bruce was an Alaskan boy, through and through — all the Alaskan things. He was a free solo mountain climber. He was a certified mountain guide. He was an extreme sport, high adrenaline young man, just like so many of our Alaskan boys and girls, he lived on the edge and loved it,” she said.

She said she thought she’d get a call about him being injured in some kind of rock climbing accident. “That’s not the call I got. He was safe out there. He was not safe less than a mile away from our home in Anchorage,” she said.

Snodgrass said she’s glad to see law enforcement investigating more fentanyl overdose deaths as drug induced homicides, and recent legislative action to increase criminal penalties to second degree murder. But she said she recognizes it can be accidental. 

“That guy, whoever gave my son the drugs, is almost as much a victim as my son is. He likely didn’t know there was fentanyl. He likely didn’t want to kill my son. He did not do it intentionally. But that’s what happened. So I don’t call it ‘accidental overdose,’ I call it poisoning,” she said. 

She said she mentioned the idea of fentanyl as a “chemical weapon” and a “weapon of mass destruction” to President Trump when they met in the Oval Office in December — weeks later he issued an executive order designating fentanyl as a weapon of mass destruction.

It directs attorneys general to pursue prosecutions of fentanyl sales, including manufacturing, distribution and illicit sale of precursor chemicals, and directs the military and Department of Homeland Security to consider fentanyl in its response to chemical incidents and to conduct counter-fentanyl operations. 

Snodgrass cited estimates of hundreds of people dying across the U.S. every day from overdoses. An August 2025 estimate by the CDC showed 77,648 drug overdose deaths occurred in the 12 months ending in March 2025. Fentanyl remains the leading cause of overdose deaths. 

“We’ve got to change that,” she said. “It’s as if a jet airliner, a jumbo jet airliner, was crashing in this country every single day, day after day after day.”

Snodgrass said she’s especially focused on doing more school presentations and raising awareness in rural Alaska, which she said drug dealers target for the high retail prices for fentanyl.

“When this reached my son in Anchorage, I was shocked, and the fact that it’s now reaching our rural communities to the extent that it is, is shocking,” she said, citing recent deaths in Nome, Dillingham and Togiak. 

“I could not get over the statistics in Togiak of the number of seizures that the DEA was making, 3,000 pills at a time in a backpack on a plane to Togiak. Togiak has 800 people in it. It just was terrifying to me,” she said. 

“It devastates the community to lose even one person. And so the numbers coming out of those rural communities are terrifying. They’re horrible, and it just keeps happening,” she said. 

Snodgrass said she’s supportive of Senate Bill 288, sponsored by Sen. George Raucher, R-Sutton, that would require opioid abuse and prevention curriculum for students in grades 6 through 12, during an annual drug awareness week known as Red Ribbon Week. It’s currently being considered by the Senate Education Committee. 

“They’re innocuous little pills, unless someone tells you that pill is going to kill you, or could potentially kill you,” Snodgrass said. “It’s a little blue pill, and it looks harmless, and you may take it to change the way you feel. That’s all they’re doing. And so the only thing I can do as one person is keep telling that story over and over and over again, and so that’s what I’m here to do.”

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The first two of 11 planned medium-weight icebreakers will be homeported in Alaska, although which cities remains to be determined, the U.S. Coast Guard announced Thursday.

The hope is a Finnish company building the vessels will deliver them by the end of 2028, according to a Coast Guard press release. That mirrors the same hoped-for timeline for the Storis icebreaker set to be homeported in Juneau once vessel updates and support infrastructure are sufficient for year-round deployment.

Coast Guard officials and Alaska’s congressional delegation hailed the announcement as a step toward the long-discussed plans to bolster the U.S. military’s presence in the Arctic. The Coast Guard in 2018 announced plans for new heavy-duty Polar Security Cutters that were supposed to be deployed starting in 2024, but with those vessels now delayed likely beyond 2030 efforts are shifting to other ships that can be put into service more rapidly.

“By strategically positioning these state-of-the-art icebreakers in Alaska, the Coast Guard will maximize our ability to defend our northern border and approaches, while reinforcing America’s maritime dominance in a crucial region of strategic importance,” Adm. Kevin E. Lunday, commandant of the Coast Guard, said in a prepared statement.

The first visit to Juneau of the Storis icebreaker — a private ship built in 2012 and purchased by the Coast Guard in 2024 in a politically controversial process due to its limited capabilities — was hailed as a significant first step toward the goal of an increased presence. The ship is scheduled to deploy to Alaska during warmer months and be upgraded in Seattle during the winter until 2028 or 2029, with up to 190 crew plus their families expected to be stationed in Juneau when the ship is homeported there year-round.

Funding for the 11 Arctic Security Cutters — to be built by companies in Finland and Canada — mentioned in Thursday’s announcement was approved by Congress last year as part of a large-scale U.S. Coast Guard expansion sought by President Donald Trump. U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan, R-Alaska, said in January he was told by Lunday up to four of the ships would be stationed in Alaska.

Sullivan, during a press conference Thursday following the Coast Guard’s announcement two ships will be homeported in the state, said he isn’t advocating for which communities should be selected. He also acknowledged the hoped-for delivery date of 2028 “is a very aggressive timeline.”

“The Coast Guard has not determined where these two additional Arctic security cutters are going, but they estimate the crew ranges on these shifts would be from about 80 to 140 personnel,” he said.

Sullivan said it is not known whether any of the nine other ships might also be homeported in Alaska.

A statement issued Thursday that includes the other two members of Alaska’s all-Republican congressional delegation — Sen. Lisa Murkowski and Rep. Nick Begich III — states the Storis is the first icebreaker to be homeported in Alaska, with other existing icebreakers currently homeported in Seattle. It also notes last year’s budget bill includes funding for light icebreakers and other Coast Guard ships, helicopters and other aircraft, and shoreside infrastructure.

This story was originally published by the Juneau Independent.

The post Coast Guard says first two of new icebreakers will be in Alaska, but details such as where unknown appeared first on Chilkat Valley News.

A halt on elective surgeries at Bartlett Regional Hospital has been extended through Tuesday following a fire Thursday that contaminated many of the facility’s surgical supplies, the hospital announced Friday.

The fire in a utility closet early Thursday afternoon resulted in an evacuation of the surgical area, but no damage to the operating rooms, according to an update posted on the hospital’s Facebook page. Elective surgeries were canceled Thursday and Friday as a construction crew did repair work expected to be completed Saturday.

“Unfortunately, many supplies within the unit were contaminated and we are working as quickly as possible to replace surgical supply inventory,” the post notes. “At this time, the Surgical Services unit will remain closed for elective surgeries through Tuesday.”

Staff are notifying patients about the change, according to the hospital.

Thist story was originally published by the Juneau Independent.

The post Elective surgeries at Juneau’s hospital canceled through Tuesday due to supply shortage after fire appeared first on Chilkat Valley News.

In February 2025, to the shock of University of Alaska faculty, staff and students, the University of Alaska Board of Regents passed a motion that banned the use of the words “DEI,” “diversity,” “equity,” and “inclusion,” reversing decades of work by the universities to better serve Alaska and its diverse population. The decision forced staff to review all UA websites and other electronic or print material and remove those words from previously developed materials. The mandate was a reaction to a 2025 “Dear Colleague” letter from the U.S. Department of Education, which threatened to end funding at any institution that continued to use the words. 

In the weeks following the passage of the BOR’s anti-DEI motion, the faculty union, United Academics, and faculty senates from all three campuses responded by passing statements and circulating a petition in opposition to the censorship and in defense of free speech and academic freedom.

Dear Colleague letters do not carry the force of law and this one was immediately challenged in court. In August of 2025, a federal court judge determined the Dear Colleague letter was illegal. The Federal Government withdrew its appeal of that ruling in February and the judge vacated the letter, making it unenforceable. Yet the UA BOR’s motion still stands, violating not only the U.S. Constitution but also the Constitution of the State of Alaska and the Board of Regents policy P04.04.010 on Academic Freedom. 

The anti-diversity motion the BOR passed was an illegal attempt to limit free speech and academic freedom and to censor words based on political ideology. It also directly contradicts the mission statement of the University of Alaska, which specifically supports the state’s diversity: The University of Alaska inspires learning, and advances and disseminates knowledge through teaching, research, and public service, emphasizing the North and its diverse peoples.

The Board of Regents’ action has compromised not only the reputation of the entire University of Alaska as a place of learning and exploring systems of knowledge, but has also made our campuses feel less welcoming and less safe. It goes against specific protections established by the Civil Rights Act to create pathways to success for marginalized peoples. In one motion, the Board of Regents engaged in illegal censorship and violated its own mission.

We should be cognizant of Alaska’s colonial history that required assimilation in education, including the banning of Alaska Native languages and customs. If we now prohibit the very word diversity, we engage in a new form of forced homogeneity and exclusion. The University cannot say it is embracing its mission and values while simultaneously banning words that focus specifically on inclusion in education. The University cannot ban words while also claiming to value academic freedom.

Faculty and students waste precious time and energy deciding when to stand fast, how to “say it in a different way,” and when to adapt without compromising academic integrity. It affects the words we use when teaching, even if only to stop and second-guess ourselves. The writing is on the wall. Or, rather, the words are no longer on the websites, in the office names, promotion files or job descriptions. This illegal and uninformed censorship won’t stop without a course correction.

As faculty, we expect our students to be informed by research and accurate, provable information. We expect them to be straightforward in their work and to rely on open exploration of topics based on logic, history, critical thinking and diverse ways of knowing. We therefore cannot accept the motion of the Board of Regents.

As educators and researchers at UA, we have no desire to wade into politics. We want to teach, create and research in our areas of expertise. But we feel compelled to speak against the censorship of words and ideas, which is antithetical to the University of Alaska’s mission and the needs of a democratic and free society. It is past time for the UA Board of Regents to rescind their illegal, harmful motion.

As faculty at the University of Alaska, we expect better, and we can do better. We seek an end to this era of censorship and word banning that unnecessarily brings the university into disrepute and demonstrates a neglect of duty by violating the constitutions of the United States and the State of Alaska, not to mention their own policy and mission statement. We owe it to the current and future students to champion and uphold academic freedom, freedom of speech, and an educational system that is welcoming of all peoples without forcing them to assimilate to reduced identities.

Co-signed: Abel Bult-Ito, Anna Berge, Falk Huettmann, Debu Misra, Jak Maier, Sam Alexander, Jennifer Bernard, Iver Arnegard, Maria Williams, Pete Praetorius, Heather Batchelder, Robin Shoaps, Patrick Marlow, Jackie Cason, LaVerne Xilegg Demientieff, Diane McEachern, Michael Navarro, Chris Coffman, Leslie McCartney, Javier Fochesatto, Retchenda George-Bettisworth, Dave Evans, Connie Fuess, Seta Kabranian-Melkonian, Bettina Kipp Lavea, David P. Moxley, Micah Muer, Tim Hinterberger, Zoë Jones, Margaret Short, Sarah Dexter, Jamie Smith, Jessica Ross , Yvonne Chase, Maya Salganek, Deb Mole, Rachel Graham, Da-ka-xeen Mehner, Charleen Daazhraįį Fisher, Jonas Lamb, David Cox II, Eldri Waid Westmoreland, Loraliee Heagy, Mary Wegner, Kathleen Nevis, Deidre Berberich, Forest Haven, Andrea Dewees, Glenn Wright, Jay Szczepanski II, Carol Gray, Angie Goffredi, Rally Wolford, Éedaa Heather Burge

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Tony Romeo is on the hunt for minerals, but he’s far from a typical prospector.

Based in South Carolina, Romeo doesn’t spend summers in the mountains with a rock pick, and he’s not interested in combing creek beds for gold.

His focus, rather, is miles beneath the surface of the ocean, where a new and highly speculative industry is racing to find and scoop up vast deposits of metals on the seafloor.

Romeo is chief executive of Deep Sea Rare Minerals, a company that recently expressed interest in mineral leasing offshore of Alaska, after the Trump administration announced earlier this year that it was considering opening federal waters near the state to miners.

The idea to mine the deep is still in its infancy, especially in Alaska: Much of the state’s seafloor remains unmapped, meaning its marine mineral resources are not well known. And the administration so far has received relatively sparse interest: Only a few companies have publicly signaled support for deep-sea mineral leasing off Alaska.

Still, the possibility has sparked discussions around the state — generating excitement among explorers like Romeo but also pushback from conservation groups, Indigenous leaders and commercial fishing groups, who say the industry could harm sensitive marine ecosystems and fisheries.

Federal regulators received more than 90,000 responses to the idea during a public comment period that ended April 1. Of the more than 2,500 comments that the U.S. Bureau of Ocean Energy Management posted online, an overwhelming majority were opposed, according to a Northern Journal review.

“Arctic offshore seabed mining would occur within core marine mammal subsistence use areas and presents unique, unmitigable risks to Iñupiat subsistence, food security, and cultural continuity,” the Iñupiat Community of the Arctic Slope, the regional tribal government for Alaska’s North Slope, said in a comment. The industry, it added, offers “speculative benefits while exposing Arctic communities to irreversible harm.”

Supporters, meanwhile, include a handful of companies connected to the industry as well as Nome’s city government. They say tapping into Alaska’s marine minerals could reduce U.S. dependence on foreign countries for important metals, boost national security and stimulate the state’s economy.

A new kind of prospector

A former U.S. Air Force officer and commercial real estate investor, Romeo felt called during the pandemic to take up more adventurous pursuits, he said in a recent interview.

As a pilot, Romeo was fascinated by the enduring mystery of Amelia Earhart’s plane, which disappeared over the Pacific Ocean in 1937 when she was attempting to fly around the world. So, in May 2023, Romeo bought a submarine-shaped deep-sea drone equipped with sonar. He had two things in mind: “Finding Amelia’s plane, and then also getting into the deep-sea mining space.”

The plane search came first. After spending millions of dollars and scouring more than 5,000 square miles of seabed, Romeo came up empty-handed — though not without a promising sonar image eerily shaped like a plane that made global headlines. (It turned out to be some rocks.)

Last year, Romeo shifted fully to the business of looking for minerals.

Like a number of other ocean mining startups, Deep Sea Rare Minerals is now searching for ancient, baseball-sized rocks with high concentrations of metals —  nickel, copper, cobalt — used in batteries and renewable energy. In some parts of the Pacific, these metal-rich nuggets, known as nodules, are strewn about the seafloor in dense clusters, two or three miles deep.

They haven’t been found off the coast of Alaska, but they might be there, along with a few other kinds of underwater mineral deposits, according a 2022 review by federal scientists. Some 62% of the federally-managed seafloor around the state still hasn’t been mapped.

“Let’s at least find out what we have there,” said Romeo. “That’s the question mark, I think, for Alaska: Is there an abundance of nodules? If there is, I think you’ll see a whole ecosystem and industry develop in Alaska, which would be great.”

Romeo’s company is privately held and still seeking tens of millions of dollars in funding. It’s mainly focused on the preliminary steps of mapping and exploration, but it’s also designing mining equipment that it hopes one day to use if it finds enough nodules and can raise the money to extract them.

Deep Sea Rare Minerals is also wants to look for minerals near Guam and in the Clarion-Clipperton Zone, a region of international waters in the Central Pacific that’s become a hotbed for the new industry.

“It’s not going to happen in Alaska anytime soon.”

Even in the waters outside Alaska where the industry has concentrated its attention, mining companies face major obstacles, including high costs, technical challenges and environmental opposition.

Despite substantial investment, there’s no commercial production of deep-sea minerals anywhere in the world, according to John Wiltshire, a deep-sea mining expert and former professor at the University of Hawaiʻi.

The industry, as of now, is “nonexistent,” he said.

Wiltshire expects that to change fairly soon; the first production globally could start within five years, he said. But it’s likely further off in Alaska, he added.

“The remoteness, the environmental opposition, the fact that some of the minerals are of lower grade — all of these things, in my mind, would contribute to making this whole thing a more difficult proposition in Alaska than it would be in some other places,” Wiltshire said. “It’s not going to happen in Alaska anytime soon.”

Even on land, Alaska is a notoriously difficult place for resource development, with high labor and transportation costs and environmental conditions that can be technically challenging to engineer around. Operating offshore only magnifies the costs and challenges, experts say.

Plus, the nascent industry is already drawing intense scrutiny from Alaska-focused conservation groups and Indigenous organizations, including some typically pro-development corporations like Calista Corp. in Western Alaska and Arctic Slope Regional Corp. on the North Slope.

Opponents worry that mining the seabed would harm habitat for fish, marine mammals and other wildlife and could threaten the state’s huge commercial fishing industry and its Indigenous subsistence traditions.

The areas where the Trump administration has said it could open leasing — in parts of the Gulf of Alaska, the Aleutians, the Bering Sea and the Arctic Ocean — overlap with important marine habitats where there are already some protections, said Becca Robbins Gisclair, senior director of Arctic and northern waters at the Ocean Conservancy.

A key concern is the “direct destruction” of the seabed, Gisclair said in an interview. That “really cascades throughout the ecosystem,” she added.

Romeo, for his part, said his team has worked to design a system that minimizes impacts — one with “environmental considerations in every part of it.”

He distinguished the nodules that his company is targeting from other mineral deposits called ferromanganese crusts and massive sulfides, which could require more intrusive mining methods.

“It’s not tractors on the seafloor,” Romeo said, referring to his company’s proposed method. “It’s floating, and it’s got these tines, these kind of rake-like things in the front of it.”

It “scoops underneath and pops” nodules into a collector, then pipes them up to a ship on the surface, Romeo said.

Still, he acknowledged that the plans are conceptual. Deep Sea Rare Minerals is still years away from actual deep-sea mining in Alaska, he said — and that’s only if it’s ultimately authorized by the federal government.

“We’re building a mining vessel from scratch, right?” he said. “There’s only a couple in the world that have ever been built, and they’re all novel.”

Northern Journal contributor Max Graham can be reached at max@northernjournal.com. He’s interested in any and all mining related stories, as well as introductory meetings with people in and around the industry.

This article was originally published in Northern Journal, a newsletter from Nathaniel Herz. Subscribe at this link.

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