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Trump’s DOJ sued over campaign to amass data on millions of voters

Election workers process ballots at the Davis County Administrative Building in Farmington, Utah, on Election Day, Tuesday, Nov. 5, 2024. (Courtesy/Spenser Heaps for Utah News Dispatch)

Voting rights groups launched a legal challenge Tuesday against the Trump administration’s effort to sweep up sensitive data on millions of Americans with the aim of identifying noncitizen voters, arguing that the U.S. Department of Justice is building a dangerous centralized national voter list ahead of the midterm elections in November.

The federal lawsuit, filed in the District of Columbia by the voting rights and civic group Common Cause with help from other organizations, seeks to block the Justice Department from obtaining and analyzing unredacted state voter lists that include driver’s license and partial Social Security numbers. 

The DOJ plans to share the data with the Department of Homeland Security, which operates a powerful computer program that can verify U.S. citizenship. Democratic election officials say the program has wrongly flagged Americans as possible noncitizen voters and could erode faith in election results.

“This is a blatant, partisan power grab designed to cast doubt on the validity of our elections and whose vote should be counted,” Virginia Kase Solomón, Common Cause president and CEO, said in a statement.

The Justice Department has sued 30 states and the District of Columbia for the data. But at least a dozen other states have provided the data, handing the Trump administration information on millions of registered voters. 

The latest lawsuit by Common Cause, with legal representation by the American Civil Liberties Union, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington and other voting rights groups, opens a new front in the legal fight against the Trump administration’s campaign for the data. It represents an attempt to halt the administration from using the voter information it’s already obtained — and stop it from collecting more.

The suit asks a court to order the Justice Department to halt any actions to compile, use or disclose sensitive voter data. The groups also wants the DOJ to delete the data already in its possession.

Alaska, Arkansas, Indiana, Louisiana, Mississippi, Nebraska, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming have voluntarily provided, or will turn over, their sensitive voter data, according to the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University, which has been tracking the Justice Department’s efforts.

Federalization of elections

Since taking office last year, President Donald Trump has moved to assert presidential power over federal elections, which under the U.S. Constitution are run by the states. The president and his allies have framed his moves as necessary to ensure the security of elections by purging noncitizen voters.

Trump issued an executive order a year ago that attempted to impose a nationwide requirement that voters must produce documents proving their citizenship. Federal courts blocked the order. He is also pressuring Congress to pass legislation, the SAVE America Act, containing a similar requirement.

Late last month, Trump signed another executive order clamping down on mail ballots. It directs the U.S. Postal Service to restrict the delivery of ballots and instructs Homeland Security to compile lists of voting-age U.S. citizens in each state, effectively building a national database of voters and would-be voters. Several active lawsuits are challenging the order.

“By attempting to interrogate and exploit voter data for political purposes, President Trump’s DOJ isn’t just threatening the privacy of every American—they are building a system designed to imprison the ballot box and silence millions of eligible voters,” Kase Solomón said. “We won’t stand by while Americans’ rights to privacy and voting are under attack.” 

The Justice Department didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

In other lawsuits, Justice Department lawyers have argued the agency is entitled to voter data under the 1960 Civil Rights Act, a federal law to combat voting discrimination. DOJ lawyers have also denied that the agency is building a nationwide voter list — but they have acknowledged voter data will be sent to Homeland Security for analysis by SAVE, an online tool short for Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements.

SAVE was previously used for one-off searches of individual immigrants to check whether they were eligible for government benefits. The Trump administration last year refashioned it into a program capable of checking the citizenship of voters. Some GOP states have begun voluntarily using SAVE to scan their state voter rolls for potential noncitizens.

“That’s how we are going to ensure that they have the proper identification as to each and every voter,” Justice Department Voting Section acting Chief Eric Neff said in federal court in Rhode Island in March, according to a transcript.

DOJ losing streak

Federal judges have so far uniformly ruled against the Justice Department’s efforts to force states to turn over voter data. Federal judges in five states — California, Massachusetts, Michigan, Oregon and Rhode Island — have dismissed the DOJ’s lawsuits.

The Justice Department has appealed some of the rulings. Oral arguments in those cases are set for mid-May.

The DOJ’s most recent court loss came last week in Rhode Island from Judge Mary McElroy, a Trump appointee. In a 14-page order, she ruled that federal voting laws — including the National Voter Registration Act, the Help America Vote Act and the Civil Rights Act — don’t empower the Justice Department to demand state voter data.

“Neither the NVRA nor HAVA authorize DOJ to conduct the kind of fishing expedition it seeks here,” McElroy wrote.

The post Trump’s DOJ sued over campaign to amass data on millions of voters appeared first on Chilkat Valley News.

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Ground-breaking brown bear research holds great promise

A brown bear walks on the tundra in Katmai National Park and Preserve on Aug. 11, 2023. (Courtesy/ F. Jimenez/National Park Service)

Time and again, colleagues told bear biologist Beth Rosenberg that her quest to develop a new and less invasive way of identifying and studying Alaska’s brown bears was a futile one. There were simply too many obstacles, too many unknowns, to overcome. 

“It just won’t work,” she heard repeatedly.

Inspired by her hero, the acclaimed primatologist Jane Goodall, Rosenberg stubbornly pushed ahead, just as Goodall had done decades earlier in the face of great skepticism. 

While working at Alaska’s famed McNeil River brown bear sanctuary, Rosenberg had quickly learned that by paying close attention, she, like others on the sanctuary staff, could over time identify the “regulars” among the bears who fished at McNeil Falls, especially mature males.

It’s true the sample size was small. But if people could learn to recognize individual bears among the dozens that pass through McNeil River each summer — and do so repeatedly, despite dramatic changes in their seasonal appearance — wouldn’t it be possible to do the same thing at greater scale, using new, state-of-the-art technologies?

Rosenberg began to build a photo database of McNeil’s most recognizable bears, just as others on staff had done before her. And when promoted to assistant manager in 2016, she made expanding that database a priority. Over the next several years, she enlarged it to nearly 73,000 images, representing 109 individual bears.

Joined by Nathan Wolf, her advisor at Alaska Pacific University — and an enthusiastic supporter of her work — Rosenberg then went looking for computer and technology whizzes who could assist her in this quest. 

The two eventually found such a group at the École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne in Switzerland, led by Alexander Mathis. 

One of the keys to clinching the partnership was Rosenberg’s immense file of McNeil bear images, which Wolf — eventually her research colleague as well as mentor — describes as “a data set that’s unique in the world; there’s nothing else like it.” Another key was Mathis and Rosenberg’s shared excitement about the possibilities their collaboration might open up.

Combining their expertise, a team composed of Alaska biologists and Swiss computer scientists was able to develop an artificial intelligence — or, as Rosenberg prefers to say, “deep learning”— system that they call PoseSwin. 

“Trained” on the dataset of nearly 73,000 McNeil River images, PoseSwin has proved capable of recognizing individual bears across seasons — and even years — despite major changes in the animals’ body size, fur condition, position, and also seasonal and environmental variations, such as light and weather conditions.

Importantly, the researchers emphasize, their work demonstrates it’s possible to accurately — and repeatedly — identify individual bears across space and time using photographs alone, what Rosenberg calls “photo ID.” 

This means there’s no need to physically handle and mark the animals, for instance with collars or tags, or to retrieve fur or blood samples, as routinely done in conventional population studies and other research. That in turn opens all sorts of new possibilities for the study, management, and conservation of brown bears — and other species — in Alaska and beyond.

Adding greatly to the credibility of their work, the Alaska-Swiss team produced an article describing their research and findings: “Individual identification of brown bears using pose-aware metric learning” was published in the February 2026 issue of the prestigious, peer-reviewed scientific journal, “Current Biology.”

While it’s not possible to get into the details of their work in a commentary of this length, I can share several important takeaways.

In developing their new research tool, the team started with this simple fact: brown bears are “unpatterned” animals without distinctive markings — as opposed to zebras, leopards and humpback whales, for instance. Besides that, the appearance of any single bear can change dramatically over time, not only from year to year, but even from spring to fall.

Thus the initial challenge for the scientists and their computer modeling was to determine what characteristics, if any, would allow the AI program to reliably identify individual animals. Rosenberg prefers the term ”computer vision,” rather than AI. It turned out that certain characteristics of the bears’ heads and skull structures were key, because they change little over time, for instance the shape of the muzzle and pattern of “bumps” atop it; the angle of the forehead, called the “brow bone” in the study; the placement of the ears and scarring on the face and head.

Figuring out those few essential characteristics proved  indispensable to the PoseSwin’s successful development.

In its testing of the new photo-ID program, the team showed it is able to not only recognize previously identified bears, but also unknown bears, a key to population studies. And, using images from McNeil River and some donated from Katmai National Preserve, PoseSwin proved capable of tracking the long-distance movements — nearly 50 miles — of individual bears using photographs alone, a historic first.

The team’s initial research also has suggested that citizen science could greatly expand the application of their Photo ID modeling, by using images taken by ordinary bear watchers photographing the animals at popular tourism spots like Katmai’s Brooks Falls and then entering those images into a central data base.

There’s plenty more, but the bottom line, say Rosenberg and Wolf, is that the low-impact, hands-off PoseSwin/Photo ID program promises to revolutionize the way bears are studied and understood by “adding a new tool to our toolbox,” as Wolf puts it. And a greatly advanced tool at that.

The Alaska-Swiss team plans to keep expanding its database and refining its PoseSwin program. All of this will lead to an increased understanding of bears’ individual and collective behavior, their movements across the landscape, and interactions with each other and other species, including — and especially — humans. 

That knowledge in turn promises to lead to more informed, fact-based management of both the animals and the habitat that is essential to their well-being, which can only benefit their conservation, not only in Alaska, but anywhere bears inhabit the landscape. 

Eventually, members of the PoseSwin team are confident, scientists studying other unpatterned species will likely apply this new research tool to their own studies.

Both Rosenberg and Wolf emphasize that PoseSwin and Photo ID technology is not intended to replace other, more conventional research methods, for instance those based on radio-collaring and genetics, but to supplement them with a powerful new tool that, more than anything, figures to benefit the bears.

Here I’ll leave the science arena and move into an area where Rosenberg, Wolf, and the rest of the PoseSwin team prefer not to tread: wildlife politics.

In Alaska, the state’s Department of Fish and Game has long depended on population estimates that many wildlife advocates, including myself, regard as suspect. That’s not so much because the research methods are faulty, but rather because the information is outdated and/or withheld from the public.

This is especially true for predators such as bears and wolves, and “intensive management” programs intended to control their numbers. The recent — and ongoing — Mulchatna bear kill program in Southwest Alaska is a prime example.

Over the past three years, ADF&G has killed close to 200 bears, the great majority of them brown bears, ostensibly to help the Mulchatna Caribou Herd recover from a steep decline that the state’s own biologists have shown has nothing to do with bear predation, without any good idea of the region’s overall bear population. This is a major reason that two superior court judges ordered the department to stop its Mulchatna bear-kill effort in 2025.

State game managers continue to insist that their intensive management programs are based on what they call good science, but remain unwilling to share the specifics of what that science shows or how it’s been done. And they apparently plan to resume the bear killing this spring — no matter the paucity of population data they have — and the lack of evidence that this will benefit the caribou herd.

It may be asking too much for the state’s current wildlife managers to welcome, let alone embrace, the revolutionary research methods promised by PoseSwin and photo ID. Maybe with a change in Alaska’s leadership following this year’s gubernatorial election, a more open and progressive state-run wildlife management program will be put in place, whose leaders recognize the benefits of a new research system truly grounded in fact-based scientific methods.

The post Ground-breaking brown bear research holds great promise appeared first on Chilkat Valley News.

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Alaska News

Ground-breaking brown bear research holds great promise

A brown bear walks on the tundra in Katmai National Park and Preserve on Aug. 11, 2023. (Photo by F. Jimenez/National Park Service)

A brown bear walks on the tundra in Katmai National Park and Preserve on Aug. 11, 2023. (Photo by F. Jimenez/National Park Service)

Time and again, colleagues told bear biologist Beth Rosenberg that her quest to develop a new and less invasive way of identifying and studying Alaska’s brown bears was a futile one. There were simply too many obstacles, too many unknowns, to overcome. 

“It just won’t work,” she heard repeatedly.

Inspired by her hero, the acclaimed primatologist Jane Goodall, Rosenberg stubbornly pushed ahead, just as Goodall had done decades earlier in the face of great skepticism. 

While working at Alaska’s famed McNeil River brown bear sanctuary, Rosenberg had quickly learned that by paying close attention, she, like others on the sanctuary staff, could over time identify the “regulars” among the bears who fished at McNeil Falls, especially mature males.

It’s true the sample size was small. But if people could learn to recognize individual bears among the dozens that pass through McNeil River each summer — and do so repeatedly, despite dramatic changes in their seasonal appearance — wouldn’t it be possible to do the same thing at greater scale, using new, state-of-the-art technologies?

Rosenberg began to build a photo database of McNeil’s most recognizable bears, just as others on staff had done before her. And when promoted to assistant manager in 2016, she made expanding that database a priority. Over the next several years, she enlarged it to nearly 73,000 images, representing 109 individual bears.

Joined by Nathan Wolf, her advisor at Alaska Pacific University — and an enthusiastic supporter of her work — Rosenberg then went looking for computer and technology whizzes who could assist her in this quest. 

The two eventually found such a group at the École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne in Switzerland, led by Alexander Mathis. 

One of the keys to clinching the partnership was Rosenberg’s immense file of McNeil bear images, which Wolf — eventually her research colleague as well as mentor — describes as “a data set that’s unique in the world; there’s nothing else like it.” Another key was Mathis and Rosenberg’s shared excitement about the possibilities their collaboration might open up.

Combining their expertise, a team composed of Alaska biologists and Swiss computer scientists was able to develop an artificial intelligence — or, as Rosenberg prefers to say, “deep learning”— system that they call PoseSwin. 

“Trained” on the dataset of nearly 73,000 McNeil River images, PoseSwin has proved capable of recognizing individual bears across seasons — and even years — despite major changes in the animals’ body size, fur condition, position, and also seasonal and environmental variations, such as light and weather conditions.

Importantly, the researchers emphasize, their work demonstrates it’s possible to accurately — and repeatedly — identify individual bears across space and time using photographs alone, what Rosenberg calls “photo ID.” 

This means there’s no need to physically handle and mark the animals, for instance with collars or tags, or to retrieve fur or blood samples, as routinely done in conventional population studies and other research. That in turn opens all sorts of new possibilities for the study, management, and conservation of brown bears — and other species — in Alaska and beyond.

Adding greatly to the credibility of their work, the Alaska-Swiss team produced an article describing their research and findings: “Individual identification of brown bears using pose-aware metric learning” was published in the February 2026 issue of the prestigious, peer-reviewed scientific journal, “Current Biology.”

While it’s not possible to get into the details of their work in a commentary of this length, I can share several important takeaways.

In developing their new research tool, the team started with this simple fact: brown bears are “unpatterned” animals without distinctive markings — as opposed to zebras, leopards and humpback whales, for instance. Besides that, the appearance of any single bear can change dramatically over time, not only from year to year, but even from spring to fall.

Thus the initial challenge for the scientists and their computer modeling was to determine what characteristics, if any, would allow the AI program to reliably identify individual animals. Rosenberg prefers the term ”computer vision,” rather than AI. It turned out that certain characteristics of the bears’ heads and skull structures were key, because they change little over time, for instance the shape of the muzzle and pattern of “bumps” atop it; the angle of the forehead, called the “brow bone” in the study; the placement of the ears and scarring on the face and head.

Figuring out those few essential characteristics proved  indispensable to the PoseSwin’s successful development.

In its testing of the new photo-ID program, the team showed it is able to not only recognize previously identified bears, but also unknown bears, a key to population studies. And, using images from McNeil River and some donated from Katmai National Preserve, PoseSwin proved capable of tracking the long-distance movements — nearly 50 miles — of individual bears using photographs alone, a historic first.

The team’s initial research also has suggested that citizen science could greatly expand the application of their Photo ID modeling, by using images taken by ordinary bear watchers photographing the animals at popular tourism spots like Katmai’s Brooks Falls and then entering those images into a central data base.

There’s plenty more, but the bottom line, say Rosenberg and Wolf, is that the low-impact, hands-off PoseSwin/Photo ID program promises to revolutionize the way bears are studied and understood by “adding a new tool to our toolbox,” as Wolf puts it. And a greatly advanced tool at that.

The Alaska-Swiss team plans to keep expanding its database and refining its PoseSwin program. All of this will lead to an increased understanding of bears’ individual and collective behavior, their movements across the landscape, and interactions with each other and other species, including — and especially — humans. 

That knowledge in turn promises to lead to more informed, fact-based management of both the animals and the habitat that is essential to their well-being, which can only benefit their conservation, not only in Alaska, but anywhere bears inhabit the landscape. 

Eventually, members of the PoseSwin team are confident, scientists studying other unpatterned species will likely apply this new research tool to their own studies.

Both Rosenberg and Wolf emphasize that PoseSwin and Photo ID technology is not intended to replace other, more conventional research methods, for instance those based on radio-collaring and genetics, but to supplement them with a powerful new tool that, more than anything, figures to benefit the bears.

Here I’ll leave the science arena and move into an area where Rosenberg, Wolf, and the rest of the PoseSwin team prefer not to tread: wildlife politics.

In Alaska, the state’s Department of Fish and Game has long depended on population estimates that many wildlife advocates, including myself, regard as suspect. That’s not so much because the research methods are faulty, but rather because the information is outdated and/or withheld from the public.

This is especially true for predators such as bears and wolves, and “intensive management” programs intended to control their numbers. The recent — and ongoing — Mulchatna bear kill program in Southwest Alaska is a prime example.

Over the past three years, ADF&G has killed close to 200 bears, the great majority of them brown bears, ostensibly to help the Mulchatna Caribou Herd recover from a steep decline that the state’s own biologists have shown has nothing to do with bear predation, without any good idea of the region’s overall bear population. This is a major reason that two superior court judges ordered the department to stop its Mulchatna bear-kill effort in 2025.

State game managers continue to insist that their intensive management programs are based on what they call good science, but remain unwilling to share the specifics of what that science shows or how it’s been done. And they apparently plan to resume the bear killing this spring — no matter the paucity of population data they have — and the lack of evidence that this will benefit the caribou herd.

It may be asking too much for the state’s current wildlife managers to welcome, let alone embrace, the revolutionary research methods promised by PoseSwin and photo ID. Maybe with a change in Alaska’s leadership following this year’s gubernatorial election, a more open and progressive state-run wildlife management program will be put in place, whose leaders recognize the benefits of a new research system truly grounded in fact-based scientific methods.

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Alaska’s embattled economic development agency approves $700,000 PR budget

The Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority, whose headquarters are pictured here, is leading state efforts to develop oil leases in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and to build roads to mining deposit in the Mat-Su and Northwest Alaska. (Photo by Nathaniel Herz/Northern Journal)

The state agency leading some of Alaska’s most polarizing development projects has approved a new communications budget, saying it needs to do a better job telling its own story amid attacks from critics.

The state-owned Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority is run by a former chief of staff to Gov. Mike Dunleavy and is charged with promoting economic growth and expanding natural resource extraction and exports.

A screengrab from an anti-AIDEA ad campaign from the 907 Initiative advocacy group.

It is leading work to develop state-owned oil leases in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and also hopes to build two controversial new roads to access mining prospects in Northwest Alaska and outside of Anchorage.

Those projects have drawn sharp opposition from conservation organizations and other critics, including lawsuits, critical op-eds and campaigns that have labeled the agency “Bad AIDEA” and caricatured its leaders.

At a meeting in Ketchikan this month, board members, with no public discussion, authorized AIDEA’s staff to spend up to $700,000 a year on a new communications budget — formalizing a plan that the agency says was previously budgeted inconsistently through spending on individual projects.

The new communications plan, the agency said in its formal resolution authorizing the spending, will “ensure proper public engagement, transparency, and stewardship of the authority’s mission.” The money could go toward trade shows and conferences, responding to media inquiries and “other communications-related needs,” according to the resolution.

The agency’s executive director, Randy Ruaro, referred questions about the plan to Dave Stieren, an AIDEA employee who ran an advertising agency and hosted a conservative talk radio show before joining the Dunleavy administration.

Randy Ruaro, AIDEA’s executive director, toured a state-owned shipyard when his agency’s board met in Ketchikan earlier this month. (Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority)

Stieren said he could not provide exact figures on AIDEA’s past communications spending, but he acknowledged that the new plan should allow the agency to meaningfully boost its public profile.

The $700,000 a year, he added, is a limit, and the agency will set a final budget through a request for proposals process.

“Mothership AIDEA has done, frankly, little to nothing on a consistent basis to tell our story,” Stieren said in an email — particularly when it comes to its loan programs that have helped finance tourism and hospitality businesses, like the Alaska Club fitness chain and Anchorage’s Bear Tooth pizza restaurant and theater.

“We’re far more than roads,” Stieren said. “But since we’ve really not promoted or showcased our efforts in traditional finance areas, I understand the narrative or lack thereof that folks may have.”

Stieren has also personally defended AIDEA on social media, including over the weekend — when he posted a conservative news website’s positive story about an agency-owned shipyard and said that “when commie libs attack AIDEA, they attack projects like this.”

AIDEA’s board chair, Bill Kendig, declined to answer questions about approval of the new communications budget when reached by phone.

At the Ketchikan meeting, one AIDEA critic, Melis Coady, credited the agency with formalizing communications spending as a “step toward accountability.” But she said that the plan doesn’t “deliver the transparency it describes” because it gives Ruaro, the executive director, authority to approve communications spending, and only requires that he report it to the board if asked.

“The authorization is broad, the dollar amount is undefined, and expenditures are approved solely by the executive director,” said Coady, who leads a conservation group called the Susitna River Coalition.

Ruaro, in an email, said AIDEA will issue reports on communications to board members “whether requested or not.”

Stieren’s social media post

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Alaska Senate advances bill to ban certain food dyes in school meals

By: Haley Lehman, Alaska Beacon

 Children pick up their school lunches. (Photo by Amanda Mills/Centers for Disease Control and Prevention)

The Alaska Senate passed a bill Monday that would ban public schools in Alaska from serving certain food dyes in school breakfasts or lunches.

Lawmakers expressed concerns that certain petroleum-based food dyes in processed foods have unhealthy side effects on children.

Sen. Bill Wielechowski, D-Anchorage, the sponsor of Senate Bill 187, said Monday, “We like to sell our petroleum to fuel our cars and generate our power plants, not to feed our kids.”

Wielechowski pointed to studies that suggested that artificial dyes are linked to increased hyperactivity, inattentiveness and allergic reactions in children.

The bill would ban red dyes Nov. 3 and No. 40, yellow dyes No. 5 and No. 6, blue dyes No. 1 and No. 2 and green dye No. 3.

The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and the U.S. Food and Drug Administration announced a campaign in April 2025 to eliminate synthetic dyes from the U.S. food supply by the end of 2027 and to authorize natural color alternatives. Alaska proposes banning the same food dye in schools that HHS and the FDA are working with the food industry to eliminate.

The bill received strong support from Alaska Community Action on Toxics and opposition from the International Association of Color Manufacturers, which maintains that synthetic dyes are safe for consumers.

Carlee Johnson McIntosh, Petersburg School District food service director, wrote in a letter to legislators that the bill aligns with work the school district is already doing to remove synthetic dyes from school meal programs. She said the bill would not create a significant burden for the school district.

“Schools should be environments where students are set up for success, and access to nutritious meals plays an important role in that success,” Johnson McIntosh wrote. “Establishing these standards in state law would demonstrate Alaska’s ongoing commitment to student health, regardless of potential shifts at the federal level.”

The bill passed the Senate with 19 yes votes. Sen. Donny Olson, D-Golovin, was excused absent. 

If it passes the House and becomes law, it would go into effect in January 2028. Alaska would join states including Arizona, California, Delaware, Louisiana, Virginia and West Virginia in banning artificial food dyes in schools.

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Alaska Senate advances resolution asking federal policymakers to protect visa programs

By: Haley Lehman, Alaska Beacon

Sen. Loki Tobin, D-Anchorage, speaks in the Alaska Senate on Monday, April 28, 2025. (Photo by James Brooks/Alaska Beacon)

The Alaska Senate advanced a resolution Monday to preserve three work visas to support Alaska’s economic security.

Alaska relies on J-1 visas to fill teacher positions, H-1B visas for highly skilled workers and the H-2B program for temporary nonagricultural workers in tourism, health care and seafood processing industries and for teachers.

Sen. Löki Tobin, D-Anchorage, said that Senate Joint Resolution 28, “puts Alaska on the record in support of these programs to fill jobs here in our state.”

The Trump administration raised the fee for highly skilled worker visas from $5,000 to $100,000 in September 2025.

Tobin said Monday that school districts in Alaska cannot absorb those costs and utilize the H-1B visa program to hire international teachers.

The Alaska House of Representatives passed a resolution in March urging the Trump administration to waive the $100,000 visa fee for international teachers. It was sponsored by Rep. Alyse Galvin, I-Anchorage.

According to Jennifer Schmitz, director of the Alaska Educator Retention and Recruitment Center, 20 school districts in Alaska employed 232 educators with J-1 visas and 341 educators with H-1B visas in 2025.

Alaska’s senior U.S. Senator, Republican Lisa Murkowski, introduced legislation in March that would exempt teachers from non-processing related fees for H-1B visas. U.S. Republican U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan is a cosponsor. 

The visa programs support other jobs, too. Marilyn Usibelli, owner of Black Diamond Resort Co. in Healy, wrote to legislators in March that J-1 visa holders play an essential role in staffing seasonal jobs in Alaska with lawful, reliable temporary workers.

“Despite extensive local recruitment, the small year-round population in the Denali Borough simply cannot meet the seasonal demand. J-1 participants fill critical roles that allow us to maintain safe, high-quality operations, support other local businesses, and contribute to the broader Denali-area economy,” Usibelli wrote.

The resolution passed the Senate with 19 yes votes with Sen. Donny Olson, D-Golovin, absent

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Alaska Senate advances resolution asking federal policymakers to protect visa programs

Sen. Loki Tobin, D-Anchorage, speaks in the Alaska Senate on Monday, April 28, 2025. (Photo by James Brooks/Alaska Beacon)

Sen. Loki Tobin, D-Anchorage, speaks in the Alaska Senate on Monday, April 28, 2025. (Photo by James Brooks/Alaska Beacon)

The Alaska Senate advanced a resolution Monday to preserve three work visas to support Alaska’s economic security.

Alaska relies on J-1 visas to fill teacher positions, H-1B visas for highly skilled workers and the H-2B program for temporary nonagricultural workers in tourism, health care and seafood processing industries and for teachers.

Sen. Löki Tobin, D-Anchorage, said that Senate Joint Resolution 28, “puts Alaska on the record in support of these programs to fill jobs here in our state.”

The Trump administration raised the fee for highly skilled worker visas from $5,000 to $100,000 in September 2025.

Tobin said Monday that school districts in Alaska cannot absorb those costs and utilize the H-1B visa program to hire international teachers.

The Alaska House of Representatives passed a resolution in March urging the Trump administration to waive the $100,000 visa fee for international teachers. It was sponsored by Rep. Alyse Galvin, I-Anchorage.

According to Jennifer Schmitz, director of the Alaska Educator Retention and Recruitment Center, 20 school districts in Alaska employed 232 educators with J-1 visas and 341 educators with H-1B visas in 2025.

Alaska’s senior U.S. Senator, Republican Lisa Murkowski, introduced legislation in March that would exempt teachers from non-processing related fees for H-1B visas. U.S. Republican U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan is a cosponsor. 

The visa programs support other jobs, too. Marilyn Usibelli, owner of Black Diamond Resort Co. in Healy, wrote to legislators in March that J-1 visa holders play an essential role in staffing seasonal jobs in Alaska with lawful, reliable temporary workers.

“Despite extensive local recruitment, the small year-round population in the Denali Borough simply cannot meet the seasonal demand. J-1 participants fill critical roles that allow us to maintain safe, high-quality operations, support other local businesses, and contribute to the broader Denali-area economy,” Usibelli wrote.

The resolution passed the Senate with 19 yes votes with Sen. Donny Olson, D-Golovin, absent. 

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Overturning of mining ban in Minnesota has Southeast Alaska tribal leaders worried about similar actions

A U.S. Senate vote overturning a mining ban on U.S. Forest Service land near Minnesota’s Boundary Waters has local tribal leaders worrying it sets a precedent for similar actions in the Tongass National Forest.

The 50-49 vote on Thursday puts the validity of all U.S. Forest Service management plans enacted over several decades into question, according to critics. President Donald Trump is expected to sign the legislation, which had already passed the U.S. House.

House Joint Resolution 140 reverses a 20-year mining moratorium enacted in 2023 by the Biden administration for about 350 square miles of Minnesota’s Superior National Forest. The resolution applies a first-ever use of a provision known as the Congressional Review Act (CRA) — which can overturn federal agency rules and regulations on a majority vote of Congress and the president’s approval — to a management decision on Forest Service land.

Concerns about the resolution’s impact on tribal sovereignty were expressed by White Earth Nation located within Minnesota, which stated the legislation “ignores both science and treaty obligations.” Similar worries about the policy implications in Alaska — and transboundary mining issues involving Canadian and First Nations governments — were expressed during a Central Council of the Tlingit and Haida Indian Tribes of Alaska’s executive council on Friday.

“I do think this sets a precedent that is quite concerning,” said Ku.seen Jacqueline Pata, the tribe’s first vice president.

Among the concerns, said Will Micklin, the council’s fourth vice president, is “it was pushed by Sen. (Dan) Sullivan as the champion of this legislation in the Congress.” Sen. Lisa Murkowski and U.S. Rep. Nick Begich III, the other members of Alaska’s all-Republican congressional delegation, also voted for the resolution.

“It’s a test case for what could be applied in other areas, like Alaska in particular, and what this involved was the ceded lands of White Earth, so this is just the example of the extent that the Congress is now willing to withdraw protections that affect tribal interests,” Micklin said.

An 1854 land cession treaty opened an area along the shore of Lake Superior to mining while creating several reservations where tribal citizens retained exclusive land-use rights. Micklin said Tlingit and Haida’s efforts to seek environmental safeguards for waterways affected by transboundary mining activity and full scrutiny of large-scale proposed mining projects “could be fruitless if, in fact, the CRA theory of the Congress is that they can use that act to strip away environmental protections.”

Amanda Coyne, a spokesperson for Sullivan, stated in an email Friday that “it’s important to note that H.J. Res. 140 did not authorize any particular mine, and any proposed project would go through state and federal environmental permitting processes.” A Chilean mining company, Antofagasta, which has long sought the mine near the Boundary Waters Canoe Area Wilderness, still needs extensive permits to proceed with the project.

“Senator Sullivan sided with building trades, local leaders, and people who live in the area in support of Rep. Stauber’s legislation to overturn the Biden administration’s preemptive unilateral lock up of 225,504 acres in the Superior National Forest in Minnesota for any mineral production,” Coyne wrote. “Alaska is all too familiar with these kinds of sweeping, preemptive actions. The Biden Administration actions — over 70 in Alaska alone — stopped responsible resource development and negatively impacted Alaska’s economy over the objections of those who live closest to those projects.”

Concerns expressed by tribal and other officials about mining impacts and cleanup — notably of the long-abandoned Tulsequah Chief Mine where decades of efforts have lingered — also have been a focus of Sullivan’s, Coyne stated.

“He has raised this issue with successive Canadian prime ministers and continues to push British Columbia to take concrete steps to clean-up the Tulsequah Chief mine site,” she wrote. “He continues to (work) closely with tribal organizations, including Tlingit & Haida, nonprofits and the State of Alaska to pressure both the Canadian government and Canadian mining companies to clean up their toxic mess at Tulsequah Chief and prevent any new pollution.”

This story was first published by the Juneau Independent.

The post Overturning of mining ban in Minnesota has Southeast Alaska tribal leaders worried about similar actions appeared first on Chilkat Valley News.

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Alaska News

Alaska LNG export project requires further massive public subsidy

On the Kenai Peninsula, a dormant liquefied natural gas export plant could be repurposed to receive cargoes of imported LNG under a plan being studied by Harvest, an affiliate of oil and gas company Hilcorp. The fuel would be transferred from ships to the tanks on the left, still in liquid form, before being converted back into gas and sent into a pipeline. (Courtesy Harvest)

Sponsors for the proposed 807-mile Alaska gas pipeline and liquefied natural gas processing and export facilities are seeking additional massive public subsidies to make the project viable. Even fallout from the largest “oil disruption in history” isn’t enough to overcome the need.

Although President Trump initially boasted that the Alaska LNG export project would be a signature accomplishment of his administration, the project appears vastly over budget and shrouded in secrecy. 

The project is being advanced by a partnership of the private firm Glenfarne Group, which has a 75% share, and 8 Star Alaska LLC, a private subsidiary of the state-owned Alaska Gasline Development Corporation, with a 25% share. AGDC gave 75% of 8 Star Alaska’s assets, including permits, rights of way, research and data, to Glenfarne in exchange for a commitment to pursue the project to a “final investment decision” on whether to build it. The final investment decision, due at the end of 2025, is still pending and months behind schedule.

Legislation introduced by Republican Gov. Mike Dunleavy would institute a massive tax break for the project and forgo billions in future revenues for the State of Alaska and local municipalities.

The Alaska Department of Revenue estimated Dunleavy’s proposal would equate to a roughly 90% reduction in property tax revenue, once the pipeline is at full capacity. Dan Stickel, an economist with the Department of Revenue, told the House Resources Committee on March 25 that AGDC and Glenfarne have said the project will not move forward without property tax relief. 

The often cited $44 billion cost estimate for the 807-mile pipeline from the North Slope to Cook Inlet is 10 years out-of-date. Efforts to build it have been unsuccessful for decades due to high costs and competition from sources of gas closer to tidewater. The Alaska Department of Revenue recently updated its cost estimate to $46 billion, a number still far below what observers expect the true cost to be. Project sponsors have updated cost estimates but refuse to release them. 

Recent surges in inflation mean the already expensive project is now much more costly; sales prices for the gas are also likely much higher, as high as $20 per thousand cubic feet or about ​​​double today’s import prices and even more uneconomic compared to alternatives. Despite the recent cease fire, the war in Iran is further driving up prices of everything. 

Letters of Intent from potential purchasers of Alaska LNG continue to be signed but are not binding commitments. A Letter of Intent by TotalEnergies to purchase 2 million tons per year of Alaska LNG for 20 years is subject to the final investment decision. Although Glenfarne still maintains that construction will begin this year, it doesn’t have a single binding contract with buyers. Thus, imminent construction appears unlikely except possibly as a photo op. 

Legislators are concerned, Alaskans should be too

The Alaska Senate Resources Committee recently introduced Senate Bill 275 that makes significant revisions to the statutes governing AGDC. The bill would enact a surcharge on exported LNG and put new conditions on any direct state investment in projects.

Sen. Resources Chair Cathy Giessel, the author of the bill, said in a newsletter to constituents: 

“Glenfarne was unknown until 18 months ago. They have not completed N. America projects. But they want a 92% reduction in our local property taxes. They are holding all financial information about the project confidential. This is not a good business position for our state to be in. We get to find out the cost of the gas for Alaskans after the project sets the price in secret.”

Even AK LNG proponent, Alaska House Majority Leader Chuck Kopp, R-Anchorage, who recently urged Alaskans to speak with a unified voice in support of the project, noted growing ambivalence.  “What [investors] cannot model is political incoherence. From the perspective of Washington and Wall Street, confusing or contradictory signals from Alaska’s elected leadership are more destabilizing than permitting hurdles. No financier commits billions into a jurisdiction that sounds ambivalent. No federal partner prioritizes a state that publicly undercuts itself,” Kopp wrote in a recent op-ed in the Anchorage Daily News.

More than four decades of effort to build a North Slope gas line for export have produced only failure, exorbitant costs and public subsidies of almost a billion dollars. This deal is bad for the climate and bad for Alaska. Alaska’s leaders should call it what it is, an uneconomic pipe dream, and walk away. 

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Alaska News

Alaska Beacon reporters take home journalism awards

Alaska Beacon reporter Corinne Smith and editor Claire Stremple pose withe the outlet’s awards at the Alaska Press Club banquet on April 18, 2026.

The Alaska Beacon team took home five awards from the Alaska Press Club contest for our coverage in 2025.

As we cover statewide news with a government and politics lens, we are especially honored that James Brooks’ reporting earned a first place award in the Reporting on Government and Politics category. His story uncovered that the U.S. Department of Homeland security sped up the timeline for implementing a new rule that would expose protesters to additional fines and penalties for activities taking place near federal buildings.

Yereth Rosen hauled in awards on all facets of her beat: two first place awards in the science and environment reporting categories and a second place win in the reporting on health category.

Brooks and Corinne Smith took first prize in the Education Reporting category for their story about Alaska lawmakers’ override of Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s veto of historic education funding increases.

You can check out our award-winning coverage here:

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