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This chart by Alaska Survey Research shows Alaskans’ views of the economy, as based on a 0-100 point scale, over the past 16 years. (Photo by Alaska Survey Research)
New statewide polling shows Alaskans have near-record negative views of the state’s economy, with opinions more pessimistic than they were during the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic emergency.
Those views, which mirror national trends, were published this week by Alaska Survey Research and analyst Ivan Moore.
On a scale of 0-100, Alaskans give the state economy a score of 42.6, two-tenths of a point above a record low recorded in fall 2023.
Moore has been asking Alaskans the same six economic questions regularly since spring 2010.
“I wish that we were living up right now to the old adage that how the economy goes in the United States, we do the reverse,” he said on Thursday when asked about the results.
The survey’s score peaked in 2014, when Alaska oil prices were near record highs, government spending was up and the Permanent Fund dividend was large.
When oil prices plunged in 2014 and 2015, so did public opinion. Opinions rebounded in late 2017 and early 2018 but tumbled again during the COVID-19 pandemic emergency, then fell again when inflation spiked after the emergency ended.
“In the 3.5 years since, even though Covid is reasonably a thing of the past, and the inflation rate is back to normal, the index has not recovered,” Moore wrote in his latest analysis. “Alaskans are as pessimistic about economic conditions in Alaska today as they were in the depths of the worst winter Covid months.”
Speaking by phone, he said that “even though the inflation rate is back to normal, it doesn’t mean that things aren’t still shockingly expensive. The war in Iran is creating uncertainty. The price of gas has gone through the roof.”
National surveys report similar findings. Last month, the University of Michigan — which measures American consumer sentiment monthly — reported results on par with 2022, when opinions were at their lowest in decades.
Moore isn’t the only person who’s finding low opinions among Alaskans about the economy.
At Dittman Research, Matt Larkin regularly polls state residents on behalf of the Alaska Chamber of Commerce and other clients.
“I’ve been doing this 15 years,” Larkin said. “In my opinion, I’ve not seen the economic concern worse than it is now.”
This year’s survey, conducted in March, found 60% of respondents saying Alaska’s economy was either pretty bad or “not too good.”
That was an increase of eight percentage points from 2025.
Two-thirds of respondents said the state of Alaska is on the wrong track, continuing a streak that began in March 2016. The last time more Alaskans said the state was headed in the right direction than the wrong direction was in January 2015.
Larkin also said that his survey found that many Alaskans were likely to believe that even if economic conditions improve, the improvements would not benefit them personally.
While both Moore and Larkin said their polls are a good barometer to check on public opinion, they also said that the results may be an indicator for this fall’s election campaigns.
“It strikes me that, with all the political races this year, I think the candidates that can best understand and appear to be offering real solutions are going to likely do well in that environment,” Larkin said.
“I think that’s the challenge for all these campaigns: How do they speak to a voter base that’s very, very down right now about the economic prospects for their personal lives, but also the state in general?”
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DAYS THE BUDGET IS LATE: 38
VOTING RIGHTS DILEMMA: With Democrats’ national redistricting calculus now in disarray over today’s court order blocking new Virginia maps, party leaders are looking to New York as a prime opportunity to keep pace with Republicans.
But as top Democrats in the Empire State move ahead with their attempt to redraw lines in 2028, they’re also far more likely to pull their punches in the ongoing gerrymandering wars.
The Supreme Court’s decision last week to end a key provision of the Voting Rights Act allows states to break up districts previously drawn to accommodate minority voters. Republicans in states like Alabama and Tennessee are rushing to take advantage by dissolving majority Black districts. In New York — the state where Democrats have the most to gain by drawing new lines — there’s virtually no appetite to respond in kind, underscoring a looming barrier for blue states in the redistricting fight.
“People were walking across bridges and being mauled, and have lost their lives for these rights,” New York Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins said of the VRA. “These laws are there because there has been a real effort to disenfranchise certain people, certainly Black people, from being able to vote. So we want to protect that.”
In the coming weeks, New York lawmakers are expected to begin the lengthy process of approving a constitutional amendment that would let them redraw congressional lines in 2028. If successful, the measure stands to turn a state with 19 Democrats and seven Republicans into one with a 22-4 or 23-3 edge.
Such an outcome is akin to what Republicans pushed through in Texas last summer — but not as extreme as the 9-0 Republican map Tennessee lawmakers drew Thursday by eliminating a Black majority district in Memphis.
In New York, a 26-0 map isn’t plausible. But in a deep blue state where Democrats routinely receive around 60 percent of the vote in statewide races, maps that feature tendrils extending from the Bronx and Brooklyn into the furthest regions of upstate and Long Island are possible. And such a reconfiguration would give Democrats an even greater advantage compared with maps they’ve floated in the not so distant past.
Doing that would require eliminating districts that were protected by the VRA until last week. Those districts include the Brooklyn seat held by House Minority Hakeem Jeffries.
“I don’t think we want to roll back protections for minority communities in New York,” said Senate Deputy Leader Mike Gianaris who’s led his conference’s redistricting efforts since 2012.
The fact that keeping these districts intact is a core personal political belief for leaders like Stewart-Cousins — and a political third rail for everyone in the state’s Democratic Party — will likely limit how aggressively Democrats will approach redistricting.
On Long Island, for example, Democrats might be able to draw lines in 2018 that increase the delegation from a tenuous 2-2 to a safer 3-1. But taking a swing at a 4-0 set of maps isn’t possible without destroying districts in Brooklyn and Queens.
Read more from Bill Mahoney in POLITICO Pro here.

CASE CLOSED: State investigators closed two probes into undisclosed conflicts of interest by SUNY Downstate Medical Center’s former CEO, David Berger, according to records reviewed by POLITICO.
The New York State Office of the Inspector General and the state’s Commission on Ethics and Lobbying in Government each opened investigations into Berger upon a referral from SUNY.
Investigators confirmed Berger had professional relationships with multiple companies that had contracts with SUNY Downstate, which he did not initially report. But investigators also discovered Berger — and potentially hundreds of other SUNY Downstate employees — hadn’t been placed on the institution’s list of people required to file financial disclosures.
Richard Friedman, an attorney representing Berger, said his client promptly filed the necessary forms once notified of his obligations. Berger does not believe his affiliation with the companies created any conflicts of interest, Friedman added.
Berger, who was hired in 2020, reported serving as an adviser to digital health startups Plannery, Opmed.ai, Mishe and Copient Health while he was CEO of the Brooklyn teaching hospital, according to copies of 2022 and 2023 financial disclosures. Berger also reported a consulting agreement with Murata Vios, which sells technology for remotely monitoring patients.
“At SUNY, we expect the highest ethical conduct from senior officials, and we will always uphold that value,” SUNY spokesperson Holly Liapis said in a statement. — Maya Kaufman
HOCHUL VERSUS TEACHERS UNIONS: The state and city’s powerful teachers unions pressed Gov. Kathy Hochul to reject a GOP-backed federal tax credit program after she signaled support for the initiative.
States can voluntarily opt into the program, which lets taxpayers write off contributions to charitable organizations that offer scholarships for private school tuition and other expenses. Hochul’s office confirmed her support today, but insisted she wants to review the details “for poison pills that could harm New York’s education system.”
The teachers unions contend the program will funnel billions of tax dollars away from public schools and into private schools with no oversight.
“Vouchers — by any name — take money away from neighborhood schools and hand it to private institutions that don’t answer to the public,” New York State United Teachers President Melinda Person said in a statement. “New Yorkers have rejected this approach before, and we sincerely hope that once the full details of President Trump’s voucher scheme emerge, it will be clear state leadership should reject it again.”
Michael Mulgrew, president of the United Federation of Teachers, said his union is “vehemently opposed to this optional federal voucher program.”
Support for the program could also set up a showdown between the governor and the Democrat-led state Legislature, which is closely aligned with the teachers unions.
State Sen. John Liu, who chairs the Senate’s New York City Education Committee, said the tax credit may appear “enticing” but warned of long-term damage to states’ ability to provide public education.
“Many governors and legislatures around the country have recognized this tax credit for the Faustian bargain it is and have already opted out, and I sincerely hope that New York will opt out as well,” Liu said in a statement. — Madina Touré
CARL CLARIFIES: Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie is dialing back his Hochul criticism today after his peevish press gaggle denying there was a state budget deal.
“The governor and I had a really good conversation,” the Bronx Democrat told NY1. “My issue was never with her. I feel like I have an amazing relationship with the governor. My concern was more of the process. I do think we’re very close on the budget and expect we’ll get it done in short order.”
For weeks Heastie has decried the amount of non-fiscal policy matters in the budget negotiations. Hochul on Thursday announced a “general agreement” on the spending plan without many details filled in, including specifics for pension changes, education spending and health care. — Nick Reisman

BOYLAN BACKS OUT: Lindsey Boylan, an activist who became the first woman to accuse former Gov. Andrew Cuomo of sexual misconduct in 2020, is pulling the plug on her campaign for a Manhattan-based City Council seat.
Boylan already lost last month’s special election for the vacant seat to Council staffer Carl Wilson. But after her defeat, she didn’t immediately say whether she would remain on the ballot for this summer’s Democratic primary for the 3rd Council District, which spans a section of Manhattan’s West Side.
This morning, Boylan announced she will bow out from the June primary, putting Wilson on a glidepath to winning a full term.
“After much consideration, I have decided not to run in the June 23 Democratic Primary,” Boylan said in a statement. “While I will not be running in the primary, I could not be prouder of what we built together.”
Boylan’s loss was a blow to Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who endorsed her shortly before the April 28 special election. It was also a feather in the cap for Council Speaker Julie Menin, who endorsed Wilson along with other more moderate forces in the Democratic Party. — Chris Sommerfeldt
MAKING THE PITCH: Airbnb, a company whose primary business in New York City is all but banned, is trying to get back in the game during the World Cup.
The company held an event today at a Bronx public school to celebrate mini soccer pitches it’s bankrolling at several schools across the region — projects meant to leave what the company called a “meaningful and lasting impact on local communities in New York and New Jersey.”
Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie and the city Schools Chancellor Kamar Samuels attended the groundbreaking.
A week ago, the company was at the Jamaica YMCA announcing it would provide kids with 1,000 tickets to the World Cup.
The goodwill events come as the company’s allies are looking to reopen doors through a revived City Council bill that would make way for short-term rentals in one- and two-family homes. The company made a similar push under former Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, who tried but ultimately failed to get a previous version of the bill passed last year.
“We’re committed to helping ensure the legacy of the World Cup lasts far beyond this summer and actually benefits everyday New Yorkers, like our hosts and communities they call home in the outer boroughs — not just Midtown Manhattan hotels,” Nathan Rotman, a company spokesperson, said in a statement.
Airbnb’s appearances haven’t gone unnoticed by the company’s chief foe, the politically powerful Hotel and Gaming Trades Council, which this week launched the “GOALS Coalition” aimed at, among other things, ensuring that the anti-Airbnb restrictions are enforced during the World Cup.
Whitney Hu, a spokesperson for the coalition, said “people are tired of seeing mega-corporations use every major event as an excuse to weaken protections, exploit loopholes, and revive policies that primarily benefit corporate investors at the expense of the communities that actually live here.” — Ry Rivard
SECOND SUIT: A prominent NYPD union is suing the city’s police oversight board for the second time in two weeks.
The Police Benevolent Association filed a lawsuit Friday in state Supreme Court alleging the Civilian Complaint Review Board — which investigates cases of alleged police misconduct and recommends punishments to the NYPD commissioner — is mishandling officers’ records.
Specifically, the union alleges that the CCRB is failing to follow a state law requiring notification to any member of the force whose disciplinary records are sought via a Freedom of Information Law request.
“CCRB is so thoroughly infected with anti-police bias that it refuses to comply with even the most basic requirements of fairness and due process under the law,” PBA President Patrick Hendry said in a statement.
The city’s Law Department declined to comment and referred Playbook to the CCRB. A representative for the board countered the PBA’s assertions.
“The CCRB’s investigations are complete, thorough and impartial,” spokesperson Dakota Gardner said in a statement. “The Agency continually reviews all applicable laws and regulations regarding the public release of its records, including disciplinary histories of members of service, to ensure it is fully compliant.”
The legal volley is part of a broader effort to push back against the CCRB through the courts, according to the PBA, which has often clashed with the oversight body.
Two weeks ago, the union filed a federal lawsuit alleging the CCRB released unsubstantiated complaints against officers without redacting sensitive information. — Joe Anuta

LOYALTY: Antonio Reynoso has some thoughts on Mamdani.
The Brooklyn borough president is one of three Democrats running in a contentious primary to succeed retiring Rep. Nydia Velázquez, who has endorsed him. Mamdani, meanwhile, is backing Assemblymember Claire Valdez, a fellow member of the Democratic Socialists of America.
In a wide-ranging interview with The New York Editorial Board — after Reynoso relayed that the mayor suggested he shouldn’t run for Congress — he was asked what that meant to him. Reynoso, who endorsed Mamdani in the mayoral primary, replied that Mamdani doesn’t “know” him or his “history.”
“I think I was good enough to be in citywide Spanish media for him,” Reynoso said. “I was good enough to do a commercial in all of Brooklyn for him, supporting his candidacy. I think that we were aligned because I’m a [Working Families Party] pup, I’m a kid that’s always been with the WFP. He’s seen a lot of the progressive work that I’ve done, and he knows me as Antonio, maybe that way as a politician, but he doesn’t know my history.”
He’s not bothered, though.
When asked if he thinks Mamdani is “disloyal,” he responded: “I think he is disloyal,” referring to the tension between Mamdani and Velázquez. “And I want to say this, not to me so much. He’s DSA, he’s loyal to the DSA. I respect that. I’m not going to be mad at that.”
“I think it’s what he did to Nydia more so than me,” Reynoso continued. “I think he’s doing what he’s got to do for his people, and he doesn’t need to be with me, and it doesn’t bother me one bit. Even if I endorsed him, I get it. I think Nydia was asking him to sit down and come to an agreement and saying, ‘Hey, it doesn’t need to be Antonio.’”
A Mamdani spokesperson didn’t respond to a request for comment.
Mamdani had a commanding performance in the district last year, and his endorsement is seen as a huge asset to Valdez’s candidacy. So the harsh words might not land particularly well with the Mamdani fans in the primary electorate.
City Council member Julie Won, the other Democrat vying for the seat, has also come out against Mamdani on at least one issue: Sunnyside Yard, the housing redevelopment project that Mamdani met with Trump about earlier this year. — Madison Fernandez
— SLICE OF TROUBLE: New York officials are struggling to finalize Hochul’s proposed pied-à-terre tax on luxury second homes as legal hurdles and budget infighting stall the plan. (Bloomberg)
— KNOCK KNOCK: New York’s top utility regulator has launched a probe into debt-collection practices at major utilities, including PSEG Long Island and Con Edison, after reports of controversial remarks at a Florida conference. (Newsday)
— OFF THE RAILS: Five unions representing 3,500 Long Island Rail Road workers say contract talks with the MTA have stalled, accusing the agency of “surface bargaining” as a potential May 16 strike looms. (New York Daily News)
Missed this morning’s New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.
Correction: An item in Friday’s Playbook PM misspelled the name of Airbnb spokesperson Nathan Rotman.
Politics
Billy Bob Thornton said he was working some country music. Now we know the details. Continue reading…Country Music News – Taste of Country
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As we reported back in February, Todd Meadows — a cast member on the popular Discovery reality show Deadliest Catch — was killed during filming.
He was just 25 years old.
Now, the first footage of Meadows’ final days aboard the Aleutian Lady has been released.

The 25-year-old rookie fisherman appears in the Season 22 premiere of Deadliest Catch, speaking enthusiastically about working in Alaska after years of wanting the opportunity.
In footage obtained by TMZ, the deckhand openly acknowledged just how dangerous life at sea could be only days before his tragic death while filming the Discovery series.
Eager to hit the high seas in order to support his wife and three kids, Meadows made some heartbreaking comments about finally living out his dream.
“It’s gonna be fun,” Meadows says in the footage. “I’m just fortunate that I fell in love with it.”
That quote hits a whole lot differently now.
Meadows was killed after falling overboard while crabbing in the Bering Sea off the coast of Alaska.
Cameras were reportedly rolling at the time of the accident, though Discovery has already confirmed the footage will not air.
The tragedy marked one of the most devastating moments in the long history of the franchise.
According to accounts shared after the incident, Meadows became entangled while inside a massive crab pot and was pulled into the freezing water during operations aboard the Aleutian Lady.
Crew members desperately attempted to rescue him and performed CPR for an extended period of time after retrieving him from the ocean.
His official cause of death was later ruled drowning with probable hypothermia.
The Season 22 premiere reportedly opens with footage of Meadows reflecting on the magnitude of finally making it to Alaska for the job.
The episode also includes an emotional tribute card honoring Meadows following news of his death.
Friends, family members and fellow fishermen have continued mourning the young deckhand in the months since the accident. Captain Rick Shelford previously described Meadows as someone who “quickly became family” aboard the vessel.
Meanwhile, the U.S. Coast Guard continues investigating the fatal incident.
Deadliest Catch has always marketed itself around the brutal realities and dangers of commercial crabbing.
But for viewers watching Meadows smile excitedly about the adventure he was about to begin, the season premiere is likely going to feel far less like entertainment and far more like a heartbreaking goodbye.
Todd Meadows: Final Days of Late ‘Deadliest Catch’ Star, 25, Revealed In New … was originally published on The Hollywood Gossip.
The Hollywood Gossip

An artist’s rendition of the proposed Watana Dam on the Susitna River. (Image courtesy Alaska Energy Authority)
For decades, the Susitna–Watana Hydroelectric Project has occupied a liminal space in Alaska’s energy conversations — too large, expensive and controversial to move forward, yet too potentially transformative to fully dismiss. In many ways, it has become shorthand for the state’s uneasy relationship with mega-projects that promise to reshape Alaska’s future but struggle under the weight of their scale and cost.
If built, the project would primarily serve the Railbelt electric grid stretching from Homer to Fairbanks — home to roughly three-quarters of Alaska’s population and the majority of the state’s electricity demand — and could ultimately supply a substantial share of that system’s power needs for generations.
Historically, momentum behind the project has tended to parallel moments of energy insecurity, including the energy shocks of the 1970s and the fuel price spike in 2008. Today, similar pressures are beginning to re-emerge, particularly around the adequacy, affordability and long-term security of the Railbelt’s natural gas supply.
I will admit that in the past, my view of the Susitna project has been ambivalent at best, and at times skeptical. But over the last several years, the broader landscape surrounding the project has shifted significantly. Given those changes, I believe the project deserves one last serious reconsideration before Alaska closes the door on it — likely for good.
In the 1970s and early 1980s, the original Susitna project progressed through years of study and design before ultimately stalling out in the mid-1980s as economic conditions changed. With low-cost Cook Inlet natural gas readily available, the need for a project of Susitna’s scale diminished, and the Railbelt instead embarked on a path centered on gas-fired generation.
At the time, this shift arguably made sense. Gas was abundant, relatively inexpensive and well-matched to the scale and structure of the Railbelt grid. That made hydroelectric projects like Susitna — and even the much smaller Bradley Lake Hydroelectric Project — among the more expensive options available. Bradley was ultimately constructed, but only after narrowly securing legislative approval by a single vote, reflecting just how difficult the economics were to justify at the time. In 1980s dollars, natural gas cost on the order of 2 cents per kilowatt-hour, while power from Bradley Lake was roughly double that.
This history also helps explain why Bradley Lake was developed outside the conventional utility regulatory model overseen by the Regulatory Commission of Alaska. The project was pursued as a long-term infrastructure investment rather than through traditional least-cost planning processes.
While Bradley Lake squeaked by, those same economics ultimately doomed the much larger Susitna project during that era. But that calculus has not withstood the test of time. Hydropower prices have remained relatively stable, while natural gas prices have increased significantly and are expected to continue rising.
The same dynamics that have defined Cook Inlet gas over the past half century would apply to North Slope gas as well, just on a larger scale. The moment we turn on that tap, we begin drawing down a finite resource — one whose cost and availability will inevitably change over time as supplies diminish and prices remain tied to broader market forces.
Against that backdrop, it is not surprising that the Alaska LNG gas line and Susitna have often been seen as competing priorities, vying for the same pool of state resources and political bandwidth. But they are not, in fact, competing choices. These projects operate on different tracks and could be complementary.
Susitna is, at its core, an in-state investment – tied to Railbelt demand, local economic development and long-term price stability. Alaska LNG, by contrast, is driven largely by access to external markets, with in-state benefits a byproduct of that. Both may have a role to play, but they are not solving the same problem.
At the beginning of this legislative session in January, the Alaska Energy Authority quietly delivered its required annual update to the Legislature on the Susitna–Watana Hydroelectric Project. The update was just two pages long. In it, Executive Director Curtis Thayer described how AEA has ceased active efforts on the project, focusing instead on archiving the extensive body of work completed to date and effectively placing it on the shelf alongside the more than 3,000 reports compiled during the original Susitna licensing effort in the 1980s. This is the directive the Authority has been given, and it is complying.
However, the broader energy landscape facing the Railbelt today looks very different from the one that existed when the project was last seriously pursued. Over the past decade, three major shifts have materially changed the conversation.
First, the Railbelt today can no longer rely on Cook Inlet gas. This resource — which accounts for the vast majority of heating in Southcentral Alaska and roughly 70 percent of electricity generation on the Railbelt — is not disappearing overnight, but it is steadily declining. Production from existing fields is expected to taper year by year, and utilities have been put on notice that Hilcorp Energy, the basin’s primary producer, is not interested in entering into new long-term supply commitments. That places growing pressure on utilities to secure alternative sources. The urgency of this challenge cannot be overstated; it is sucking up a great deal of the oxygen in boardrooms and halls of Juneau right now.
Second, the federal policy landscape has changed in ways that could be a game-changer for Susitna’s economics. The clean energy tax credit framework created under the Inflation Reduction Act, and since partially preserved on a bipartisan basis, now provides technology-neutral incentives for large hydropower projects. Perhaps most significantly for Alaska, where much of the energy system is owned by public and cooperative utilities, these entities can now – for the first time – access the credits directly through a cash-equivalent “direct pay” mechanism.
In practical terms, these incentives could offset on the order of 50 percent of total capital costs. For a project like Susitna, that could amount to several billion dollars and substantially alter the financial outlook. Although the up-front costs would still be significant, reducing the capital burden could materially lower rates – especially during the initial financing period.
Third, the demand outlook is beginning to change. For much of the past decade, utilities across the country, including those on the Railbelt, have operated in an environment of flat or declining demand. That trend is now reversing. Electrification of heating and transportation, along with the rapid growth of power-intensive data centers, is creating the first credible expectation of sustained load growth in years — and with it, the potential to fully utilize the project’s output. For large, capital-intensive resources, that expanded revenue base matters.
Taken together, these developments do not guarantee that Susitna makes sense. But they do suggest that many of the assumptions underlying earlier decisions to shelve the project warrant reconsideration.
What would the Susitna project mean for the Railbelt? It would not be a marginal addition. At full buildout, it could generate on the order of 2.5 to 3 million megawatt-hours annually — enough to displace roughly 60 to 80 percent of gas-fired electricity generation on the Railbelt, depending on system growth and future demand.
Building out Susitna and its associated transmission infrastructure would also provide an important new anchor for the Railbelt’s long and relatively fragile grid, strengthening reliability and improving the ability to move power between regions. In many ways, this reflects the project as originally envisioned — a foundational asset around which a more interconnected Railbelt system could evolve.
But today, there are additional benefits not necessarily envisioned half a century ago. Susitna could place the Railbelt in a much stronger position to integrate variable renewable energy sources like wind and solar at scale, both by enabling greater interregional movement of power and because the reservoir itself could function much like a large energy storage system — allowing water to be held back when renewable generation is abundant and converted into electricity when the wind is not blowing or the sun is not shining.
It could also begin to reshape heating demand. If electricity prices fall while natural gas prices continue to rise, consumers may increasingly shift toward electric heating technologies such as heat pumps. That, in turn, could increase electricity sales, spread fixed system costs across a larger base of consumption, and potentially reinforce a virtuous cycle of higher system utilization and lower rates — even without the addition of large new industrial loads such as a data center.
Of course, we cannot pretend there are no trade-offs. No energy source is entirely environmentally benign. Fossil fuels require extraction, transport and combustion, with associated emissions and exposure to volatile global markets. Wind and solar carry their own challenges related to land use, materials sourcing, intermittency and project lifespan. Hydropower is no different, and its environmental and social impacts must be weighed carefully.
In particular, the legacy of major dam projects constructed during the early and mid-20th century still shapes public perceptions today. Many of those projects fundamentally altered landscapes and ecosystems, often with profound consequences for both communities and the environment. That history continues to influence how many Alaskans — especially environmentally-minded residents — view projects like Susitna.
But much has changed since the era of large dam construction in the United States. Modern licensing requirements are far more rigorous, and advances in hydropower design — from fish passage technologies to flow management and environmental mitigation — have meaningfully reduced many of the impacts associated with earlier projects.
Canada, in particular, has continued to build out large-scale hydropower, with many newer projects incorporating Indigenous ownership, revenue-sharing and long-term partnership structures. For example, the Site C Dam on the Peace River in British Columbia entered full commercial operation in 2025. It is substantially larger than the proposed Susitna project and is a good example of both Canada’s continued investment in large hydro and a more modern approach to structured, negotiated forms of community participation and benefit-sharing.
The question, then, is not whether Susitna would be impact-free. It is whether the trade-offs it presents look different today than they did in the past, especially given modern environmental standards and evolving approaches to collaboration and mitigation. Could Alaska Native landowners, resource agencies, utilities and conservation organizations work together to shape a project that minimizes environmental impacts and potentially even improves aspects of the salmon fishery? I believe that is possible, given the growing urgency of the Railbelt’s long-term energy challenges — issues that ultimately transcend the traditional sides of this debate. After all, there is some truth to the old adage about never wasting a good crisis.
Sometimes, decisions are made through inaction — and this could be one of those moments. There is a clearly defined timeline to take advantage of federal tax credits for hydropower, and given how long it takes to develop projects of this scale there is little time to lose. Delay, even by a year or two, could place the project beyond the reach of those incentives.
Susitna has always been envisioned as a project requiring significant state investment. It is simply too large for any single Railbelt utility — or even all of them collectively — to finance on their own. But there may be a different path forward. Historically, projects of this scale were built by governments. Today, they are increasingly advanced through public-private partnerships, and that model may be worth exploring in Alaska as well.
Ideally, the next step would be to finalize the licensing process so the project could be positioned for development under whatever funding mechanism is ultimately pursued. That is the clear and logical next step. But doing so would require tens of millions of dollars, and at least for now, no funding for that effort has been included in the FY27 state budget.
But even absent state funding, the Alaska Energy Authority is already well-positioned to take a more modest next step. The state has invested heavily in dozens of studies to understand the resource, the engineering and the environmental considerations. That work has value — and we own it. Rather than placing those studies on a shelf, AEA could package that body of work and test the market through a request for information or proposals aimed at gauging private-sector interest in moving the project forward.
This would not be a commitment to build. Any concrete next step on the project would require continued public input through well-established permitting processes. But it would be a way to learn. The private sector is, by necessity, disciplined — if the project can be structured in a way that makes sense, there will be interest. If not, that is also valuable information. Either way, it would provide clarity that Alaska does not currently have.
There is an obvious recent precedent for this approach. The Alaska LNG Project has relied on a similar model of testing commercial interest and allowing that response to help guide next steps. A comparable approach for Susitna could allow the state to keep the project in play without committing to full-scale development.
At a minimum, this is about preserving optionality. The immediate decision before us is not whether to build Susitna, but whether to take reasonable incremental steps to keep the project viable while Alaska evaluates its long-term energy future. That seems like a prudent course of action — before the opportunity slips away for good.
There are plenty of lesser-known regional fast food chains that you should be paying attention to, including a beloved one in Tennessee and Virginia.

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