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There was a time — not all that long ago — when Timothee Chalamet was the odds-on favorite to win this year’s Academy Award for Best Actor.
The 30-year-old drew rave reviews for his work in Marty Supreme, but even more impactful was the press tour he launched on his own behalf.
Ahead of the film’s release, Timmy was everywhere: talk shows, social media feeds, standing on top of the Sphere in Vegas — you name it.
He was promoting Marty, sure — but he was also promoting himself.

Chalamet has made no secret of the fact that he badly wants to see an Oscar on his mantel.
And he’s already come close more than once.
This is Timmy’s third nomination, and for a while, it seemed like this would finally be his year.
Having just turned 30 in December, Chalamet would be one of the youngest Best Actor winners in history.
(Adrien Brody holds the title by a nose — no pun intended — having scored his statuette for The Pianist at the age of 29 years and 343 days old.)

But he’s been on the scene for so long — and turned in so many solid performances — that it felt like he was lon overdue for Hollywood’s biggest prize.
As recently as January, a Chalamet victory seemed like a lock.
He took home the top prize at the Golden Globes, and many prognosticators started treating his Oscar win as a foregone conclusion.
But then Michael B. Jordan took home the top prize at the Actor Awards. And Chalamet was overlooked at the BAFTAs, with the night’s top acting prize going to Robert Aramayo.
Chalamet has notched a few small wins in the pre-Oscar minor leagues, but increasingly, there’s a feeling that Jordan has the momentum heading into the industry’s biggest night.

So what happened?
Well, it’s possible that Chalamet just made himself a little too visible over the past few weeks (did we mention that stunt at the Sphere?).
Oscar voters like to maintain the illusion that they’re voting based on the strength of the performances, not how hard the actors campaign.
Harvey Weinstein is generally credited as the inventor of the modern-day, ultra-aggressive award season blitz, and his tactics have fallen out of favor for obvious reasons.
On top of that, Timmy didn’t improve his odds when he executed a massive unforced error, remarking on the declining popularity of opera and ballet during a sit-down with Matthew McConaughey.

While Chalamet might view himself as a movie star first and foremost, many if not most Academy members view themselves as artists — ones who exist in a world that’s adjacent to the one occupied by opera singers and ballet dancers.
Thus, an offhand remark might have dealt him a fatal blow in the final days of Oscar voting.
But whatever happens on Sunday night, Timmy will be just fine.
He’s still one of the biggest stars on the planet, he’s still dating Kylie Jenner, and he’s got a slew of high-profile projects lined up (as he always does).
And we’re sure he’ll win that Oscar eventually.
He just might have to wait for a year when Michael B. Jordan’s not nominated.
Did Timothee Chalamet Ruin His Own Chances of Winning an Oscar? was originally published on The Hollywood Gossip.
The Hollywood Gossip
In the 15 days since President Donald Trump launched Operation Epic Fury on Iran, Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) is approaching nearly a dozen media appearances, offering his often visceral reaction to the conflict.
Gallego, a 46-year-old combat veteran who deployed to Iraq as an infantryman in 2005, has emerged as a blunt, clear voice for the Democratic Party on foreign policy, speaking as someone whose own generation experienced the forever wars.
There he was on CNN’s “The Source with Kaitlin Collins” saying Secretary of State Marco Rubio was doing “CYA” and noting that the “MAGA base is pissed.” There he was sitting down with the AP speaking “as someone who lives with PTSD,” adding “it’s not been an easy week.” And there he was on Derek Thompson’s podcast, speaking about “going town to town searching for insurgents” 21 years ago, “but there was no clear direction of what victory looked like, what the end goal was, what was going to be the after-action report on Iraq.”
Gallego isn’t alone. Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), a Navy captain who flew combat missions during Operation Desert Storm in 1990, has also racked up a run of high-profile media appearances, as has former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, a U.S. Navy Reserve intelligence officer who deployed to Afghanistan. Maryland Gov. Wes Moore, who served in Afghanistan in the Army’s 82nd Airborne, went on local radio this week to link Americans’ affordability woes to the war.
In a year after many Democrats pined for a metaphorical fighter, the party is now having a conversation with itself about whether it needs a literal fighter — a veteran who can speak with credibility on issues of war and national security.
In an interview with POLITICO, Gallego spoke of “dodging bullets, IEDs, RPGs, clearing towns and then coming back to the same towns with insurgents” and of “losing friends and still not understanding what the end goal was the whole time.”
“It leaves a mark on you, and you start seeing it happening again, you know, you don’t really think about the politics,” Gallego said. “You think about the people who are going to be potentially dying. And that’s why I think I was not hesitant to speak my mind on that.”
Later this month in San Antonio, Texas, Gallego will join VoteVets Action for its third town hall featuring potential 2028 Democratic presidential candidates, promising “fresh voices to the national conversation — those who have worn the uniform and served alongside us, who connect with everyday Americans others can’t,” according to a promotional video. (They’ve also done town halls with Buttigieg and Michigan Sen. Elissa Slotkin.)
“On foreign policy, the Dems need a candidate who is seen as strong/tough — not in rhetoric or bravado political platitudes but who conveys a sense of judgement and resolve with which voters connect instinctively,” said Doug Wilson, the former assistant secretary of Defense for Public Affairs during the Obama administration and co-lead of Buttigieg’s 2020 foreign policy team.
The “Iran war underscores the need” for such a candidate, Wilson added.
Whomever the Democrats select as their nominee could potentially face a Situation Room-steeped ticket deep with national security credentials, including a Marine Iraq war veteran in Vice President JD Vance or Rubio, with his secretary of State experience.
Depending on how the many conflicts the U.S. is engaged in at the moment resolve, that experience could cut against them.
But right now, Democrats who can match those bona fides have some currency others without them can’t.
“That’s obviously going to be helpful to them,” said Matt Bennett, co-founder of the center-left think tank Third Way. “It’s gonna be a big part of what they’re talking about for the next little while. But you know, how long does it last? We just don’t know, right? In my professional lifetime, foreign policy stuff and national security has mattered in a presidential race once — in 2004. That’s it. Otherwise, it comes up, but it’s not driving the conversation.”
Some potential Democratic candidates without such credentials have still managed to break through amid the Iran news cycle. Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.) has said the White House has treated aspects of the war “as a video game,” in a clip gaining traction on X. “When American service members killed in action are returning to the United States in flagged-draped coffins, and even more Americans have lost limbs or suffered terrible brain injuries or are fighting for their lives, this White House treats war like a game, and it’s a disgrace,” Ossoff said.
When asked whether military service is an essential for the party’s eventual nominee, Gallego acknowledged there is a benefit for someone who can “speak with that type of credibility.”
“I’m not the type of person that’s like, ‘you have to be a veteran — Iraq War veteran,’” Gallego said. “This is a democracy. We’re still one, and there’s a lot of people that can bring valuable experience and knowledge. But you know, someone that actually has a nuanced understanding of foreign policy; that doesn’t go to the total knee-jerk reactionism that sometimes we see where we go to the point of, you know, isolationism; or the other way, where we go to full neocon. There needs to be a very balanced way to how we approach the world.”
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