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Political information increasingly comes from pop culture, outside of partisan silos but where male creators – and sometimes misogyny – dominate

Young people are increasingly likely to get political content from social media influencers and popular culture sources. Illustration JDawnInk/Getty Images Plus

Research on political polarization points to how people’s preferred news outlets and social media use create information silos, environments in which people primarily encounter views consistent with their own, further cementing those views.

But this research often omits an important source of political information: popular culture, from influencers and podcasts to comedy, television and movies.

Politics are intertwined with popular entertainment media. The current president is a former reality television star who was reelected in 2024 with the help of comedy podcasters like Joe Rogan. Blockbuster films such as “The Odyssey” spark controversy and turn into political footballs, while late-night talk show hosts must skirt the Trump administration’s regulatory ire with their politically oriented humor.

While we know a lot about the news-consumption habits of Republicans and Democrats, there is less data about the other places that people encounter political ideas. This is particularly true for younger people, who are increasingly likely to get political content from social media influencers and popular culture sources.

Political consultant Sarah Longwell of The Bulwark recently told The New York Times’ Ezra Klein that many people in her focus groups get political information from an “algorithm-driven information environment” populated by influencers, comedians and sports personalities. She noted that the “overlap between politics and culture” creates a “vibe” that shapes many people’s political decision-making.

As co-founders and research affiliates of Colorado State University’s Center for Democracy, Art, and Popular Culture, we conducted a survey that documents the pop culture preferences of Americans ages 18-49.

We wanted to know whether the siloing that has been observed in Americans’ news environments is replicated when younger Americans are consuming entertainment media that often contains political content.

It isn’t.

That matters, because popular influencers and entertainers who cross partisan boundaries have an increased ability to shape the political “vibe” discussed by Longwell. And an important finding from our survey is that many of the favorite creators and outlets ranked in the survey feature men and promote masculinity.

Favorite influencers and podcasts

Pop culture is the diverse collection of cultural productions consumed by members of a society: films, television series, video games, art, music, comedy and the like.

We asked 741 Americans to name their top influencers, podcasts, comedians, musicians, video games, films and television series. We examined results by age and political party.

Respondents first identified which pop culture outlets they engaged with and then shared their favorites in each content category. The answers were diffuse, but trends are evident in the top three listed by people across political affiliations.

Both the Democratic and Republican parties have turned to influencers to reach voters – particularly young voters – who “don’t consume traditional political news.”

In our survey’s lists of favorite influencers, three creators who rose to fame staging viral stunts, interviewing celebrities and playing video games on YouTube and the live streaming platform Twitch dominated the list: MrBeast was No. 1 for Democrats, Republicans and independents. Republicans and independents ranked Kai Cenat in their top three, while IShowSpeed was No. 2 for Democrats and Republicans.

A chart showing pictures of the top 3 favorite influencers by political party -- Republicans, Democrats and independents
The top three favorite influencers by political affiliation – Republicans, Democrats and independents.
Center for Democracy, Art, and Popular Culture

A similar pattern of the same names populating each list is evident in people’s favorite podcasts. “The Joe Rogan Experience” and “Call Her Daddy” were in all groups’ top three, while Republicans and independents also ranked the “Tucker Carlson Show” and “This Past Weekend with Theo Von.”

Joe Rogan and Theo Von are comedians turned podcasters, whereas Tucker Carlson rose to fame as a right-wing pundit. “Call Her Daddy” is an outlier on our list insofar as it is hosted by a woman, Alex Cooper, and is known for frank discussions of sex and relationships.

A chart showing pictures of the top three favorite podcasts by political party.
The top three favorite podcasts by political affiliation – Republicans, Democrats and independents.
Center for Democracy, Art, and Popular Culture

The website Campaigns & Elections reported that in 2024 half of all registered voters surveyed who listened to at least one podcast per month said that podcasts had some influence on their vote. The site reported that in the 2024 presidential election, those podcast listeners favored conservatives.

Our survey helps to explain why. Rogan, popular with all three groups, has long voiced libertarian ideas and platformed right-wing politicians. Von occupies a similar space, and Carlson is conservative. Both are favorites not just of Republicans but also independents.

Favorite comedians and video games

Political scientists and media scholars have demonstrated how comedy can influence politics. Our survey found considerable overlap among political partisans’ favorite comedians.

Dave Chappelle, creator of the boundary-breaking Comedy Central series “Chappelle’s Show,” topped the list for Democrats and Republicans and was the second favorite of independents. Bill Burr, known for comedy that is both cocky and aggrieved, was in the top three for Republicans and Democrats, while Shane Gillis, whose comedy The New York Times says “fits into the evolving meaning of conservatism,” was second and third for independents and Republicans.

A chart showing pictures of the top three favorite comedians by political party.
The top three favorite comedians by political affiliation – Republicans, Democrats and independents.
Center for Democracy, Art, and Popular Culture

Video games are another shared pop culture venue where Americans of different political affiliations are encountering one another as they play, via discussions with other players on Twitch and by participating in the comments sections of gameplay livestreams.

Researchers have demonstrated that young people, in particular, are exposed to diverse political views when engaging with one another in “online participatory activities that are non-political in nature.”

For example, one study examined how a viral trend of “building Trump’s wall” while playing Fortnite spurred political discussions both inside the game and in comments on gameplay videos and social media posts.

U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez demonstrated the political power of the medium in 2020 when she livestreamed herself playing the game Among Us, an online, multiplayer deduction game similar to the popular party games Mafia and Werewolf. Ocasio-Cortez playing the game with U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar and prominent gamers was billed as a get-out-the-vote effort and earned 4.5 million views.

In our survey of video games favored by people of different political affiliations, Call of Duty, Fortnite and Sims appeared on all three lists.

A chart showing pictures of the top three favorite video games by political party.
The top three favorite video games by political affiliation – Republicans, Democrats and independents.
Center for Democracy, Art, and Popular Culture

Our data suggests that these pop culture spaces are thus not partisan silos. But that doesn’t mean they are free of particular ideologies.

Manosphere vibes

Some of the most popular creators – Rogan, Von, Carlson and Gillis – appeal to, or helped construct, the manosphere, a loose collection of online communities that promote masculinity and often reflect misogynistic attitudes.

Burr’s comedy is not politically conservative. But The New York Times said that it “gives voice to the aggrieved confusion of the white heterosexual guy adrift.”

Chappelle is known for his satirical critiques of racism. But in his more recent Netflix stand-up specials, he voiced anti-trans sentiments that Mother Jones called “indistinguishable from, and grist for, the material of conservative streamers and right-wing edgelords.”

Our survey did not ask respondents why they preferred these influencers, podcasts, comedians and video games. Academic research has shown that pop culture audiences don’t passively accept every message a creator delivers. Nevertheless, the dominance of male creators and the prevalence of misogyny and transphobia in their humor and commentary is significant.

Whether convened online or in person, the groups that gather via popular culture do not fit into the partisan silos that have formed around news and social media outlets. That makes the gendered nature of these lists even more significant, because the manosphere vibes are not relegated to one side of the political spectrum.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

​Politics + Society – The Conversation

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Democrats are the unwitting beneficiaries of Trump’s immigration policies

A volunteer walks along the U.S.-Mexico border near Jacumba Hot Springs, Calif., on June 5, 2025. AP Photo/Gregory Bull

In a 2025 investigation, The New York Times reported that officials in President Joe Biden’s administration, in the wake of Biden’s 2020 election win, had viewed rising immigration as “a distraction” best ignored so that the administration could concentrate political resources on more important economic matters.

Scott Shuchart, a Biden appointee who joined the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency in 2022, told the newspaper that the White House was “wishing the problem would go away so that they could focus on the things they cared about.”

But two years after Donald Trump leveraged voter dissatisfaction with the Biden administration’s management of the U.S. southern border to win the 2024 election and enforce his immigration crackdown, the issue has suddenly become a secondary matter.

Amid the rising U.S. cost of living, a destabilizing war in Iran and a disrupted system of global commerce, the now-quiet border has relieved Democrats of their thorniest issue just in time for midterm elections.

From liability to advantage

For the past three decades, the Democratic Party and its candidates have struggled to develop and pass new immigration policies and communicate related political messages.

Bipartisan attempts at comprehensive immigration reform died on Capitol Hill in 2006, 2007 and 2013. Since then, a majority of Americans has trusted Republicans more with governing the issue. That has given the GOP an advantage when the salience of immigration policy has risen due to border crises and related high-profile events, even if that edge has recently narrowed.

In a February 2024 poll, 28% of U.S. respondents told Gallup that immigration was the country’s most important problem – matching the largest share since tracking began in 1981. By May 2026, that figure was 8%, a staggering drop in such a short period.

In a different poll by The Economist/YouGov, the share of U.S. registered voters who identified immigration as the country’s most important issue fell from 14% in October 2024 to 5% in September 2026.

Erik Iverson, a Republican Senate campaign pollster, recently told Axios that declining border crossings have reduced the urgency of immigration, depriving Republicans of an issue that previously energized voters and offered conservatives an advantage.

“You become a victim of your own success,” he said.

But this success is dubious. President Trump’s approval ratings on immigration are underwater.

In the RealClear Polling average from September to October 2026, his net approval was at negative 10.8%. In a recent Fox News poll, most Americans believe the Trump administration has “gone too far” in enforcing immigration laws, including 60% of independents.

Despite Republicans’ insistence that the mass removal of undocumented immigrants and a halt to new migrants would raise wages and make housing more accessible, Americans are experiencing high inflation rates, slow gross domestic product growth and sour consumer sentiment.

Two men wearing bulletproof vests overlook a line of passengers in an airport.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents patrol Terminal 1 at John F. Kennedy International Airport in New York on March 27, 2026.
Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images

Ominously for the White House, Trump’s negative 10.8% net approval score on immigration is actually among his best. On inflation, the economy and foreign policy, his net approval rating is at negative 42.8%, negative 31.7% and negative 27.8%, respectively.

These dynamics bode well for Democrats’ midterm election prospects.

Republicans are now less concerned about immigration – what has been their greatest source of political energy and the left’s greatest political liability – as both parties’ voters are focused on other matters.

Despite the White House’s aggressive and frequently violent pursuit of undocumented immigrants, its proposal to end birthright citizenship, and its near closure of U.S. borders, even Democrats are no more likely to identify immigration as the country’s top issue today than they were previously.

According to The Economist/YouGov polling cited earlier, 1% of Democrats named immigration as their top issue in September 2026. In October 2024, 3% said the same.

Remarkably, without Democrats’ endorsement of a single new immigration policy idea, independents now express greater trust in Democrats than Republicans on immigration, 41% to 27%, according to a September 2026 Marist survey.

Democrats’ trial and error

Democrats’ sudden edge arises after a decade of trialing different approaches to counter the nativism and popular discomfort that Trump has harnessed.

Before Trump’s 2016 election victory and immediately thereafter, Democratic leaders sought to ameliorate the image of foreigners in the U.S., by highlighting that immigrants start more businesses, file more patents and commit fewer crimes than native-born U.S. citizens on average.

Gates at a border crossing bridge are painted with U.S. and Texas flags.
The Eagle Pass 1 International Bridge at the U.S.-Mexico border is pictured in Eagle Pass, Texas, on Feb. 18, 2026.
Ronaldo Schemidt/AFP via Getty Images

During this period, Democrats commonly cited immigrants’ acute vulnerability and their willingness and ability to fill critical low-skilled and high-skilled labor gaps. But the praise and pity produced resentment among many Americans who did not want an admissions system that elevated foreigners to a higher pedestal.

Toward the end of the first Trump administration, Democrats
began citing
the immense macroeconomic and fiscal benefits driven by immigrants’ long-term settlement in the U.S.

Economists attribute to immigrants the bulk of U.S. population growth from 1990 to 2015. And economists have shown that continued immigration mitigates inflation and extends the solvency of Social Security and Medicare funds. Immigration also provides workers for industries like construction, agriculture, food production and healthcare.

However, the benefits of these relationships for average voters tend to be diffuse and realized in the medium-to-long run. That makes them hard to recognize.

After the global pandemic halted most human mobility in 2020, the Biden administration sought to avoid the immigration issue altogether. It’s a strategy that Democrats have now carried over while the dynamics of being out of power still permit doing so.

No mandate for inaction

Should Democrats win majorities in the Senate and House of Representatives in 2026, the issue of immigration is highly unlikely to be resolved. As a matter of constitutional oversight, Democrats plan to commence investigations into the Trump administration’s abusive immigration enforcement tactics, questionable case adjudication and alleged corruption.

It will be almost impossible to pass meaningful immigration legislation in such an environment.

The Biden-era approach was a pivotal electoral liability in 2024. And the Obama administration’s series of immigration executive actions instigated a tennis match of such orders between subsequent administrations ever since.

Democrats will soon feel some pressure to develop bipartisan approaches to immigration governance that ensure order at U.S. borders and a strategy for immigrant selection and integration that is designed with the national interest in mind.

Anything less, and the dysfunctional system – with its massive political risks – will return.

The Conversation

Justin Gest is affiliated with The Niskanen Center, The Aspen Institute España, America’s Competitive Edge (ACE) Initiative, and the Migrant Rights Initiative at Cornell Law School.

​Politics + Society – The Conversation

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Federal policy helped widen rural America’s fresh food gap, but a 90-year-old law could help close it

A defunct grocery store in New Mexico in 2020. Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

When picking up groceries requires a two-hour round trip, fresh produce can become a luxury. As a food systems researcher, I see this tension firsthand: People need fresh food to be healthy, but rural regions increasingly lack access to it.

Food insecurity among rural households increased from 12% in 2019 to nearly 16% in 2024, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. Low income plays a part, but so too do supply chain logistics. Delivering groceries to rural areas costs distributors more, leading to higher prices and less access for rural consumers.

Perishable foods – produce, meat and dairy – travel in refrigerated trucks, making them among the most expensive products to distribute. Rural routes add further costs. Small stores order less and rarely fill a truck on their own, meaning distributors either run long, multi-stop routes, or they send trucks out and back partly empty. Either way, delivery costs increase.

Because of this, many national supply chains don’t prioritize rural communities. But this wasn’t always the case. Since the 1970s, deregulation, supply chain privatization and resulting concentration have skewed food distribution and left rural America behind.

Today, as grocery chains grow larger, rural access to produce, meat, dairy and prepared foods is decreasing. My colleagues and I analyzed the delivery of perishable foods and found that national distributors are underserving seven states when it comes to refrigerated meat, dairy and other prepared foods.

Regulation

In 1935, the Motor Carrier Act required licensed trucking companies to serve specific regions, so carriers served rural and urban routes alike, ensuring that publicly financed roads were serving public needs. In exchange for a regional operating license, companies offset unprofitable rural service with the high margins they made on profitable city-to-city routes, integrating rural communities into their supply chains.

The following year, the Robinson-Patman Act prohibited wholesale suppliers from favoring large grocers with better prices, advertising or other exclusive deals, discouraging retailers from getting bigger to get better deals.

Together, the two laws strengthened regional economies and held national distribution in check. This protected rural grocers from big grocery chains and split distribution costs between urban and rural communities. As a result, a small-town grocer in 1950 had access to much the same products as a city grocer in the same region.

Deregulation

Though Robinson-Patman is still on the books, enforcement waned in the 1970s as the growing influence of Chicago School economists led a shift toward deregulation. Grocery companies accelerated consolidation, gaining control of supply chains by accumulating massive buying power.

In 1980, President Jimmy Carter signed a new Motor Carrier Act, removing the requirement that trucking companies serve specific regions. Once carriers could choose their routes, service to rural regions declined, as companies began to prioritize more profitable urban routes.

Over time, the dismantling and neglect of these regulatory fail-safes jacked up rural food distribution costs and allowed big grocers to get even bigger. Chains gained access to wholesale discounts that independents didn’t have, affecting smaller grocers and generations of rural Americans.

A white semi-truck pulling a white trailer drives down a highway, with hills in the background.
Long routes with many stops make rural deliveries costly for distributors.
THEPALMER/E+ via Getty Images

Information is power

These two policy shifts were amplified in the 1990s as chain stores started to use point-of-sale data like checkout and loyalty-program records. Large companies had the resources to collect data on purchasing preferences over whole geographic regions, while local businesses did not. Chains began to use early forms of artificial intelligence to find patterns in big datasets, giving bigger companies yet another competitive advantage over small ones.

As AI-powered data became more sophisticated, businesses with the means adopted new technology to improve trucking logistics that optimize for high-density, high-margin urban corridors. This has pushed independent grocers further to the margins.

Mapping the gaps

My colleagues and I use USDA and Department of Transportation databases and AI models to explore rural food access. We found that national distributors are underserving West Virginia, Arizona, Texas, Michigan, North Dakota, South Dakota and Montana when it comes to refrigerated meat, dairy and other prepared foods.

To trace produce in particular, we focused on Wisconsin, using proprietary data from Transearch, a tool that transportation planners use to track interstate commerce. In most Wisconsin counties, national distributors delivered less than 9.2 pounds (4.2 kilograms) of leafy greens per person annually, or less than a third of the 30 to 35 pounds (14 to 16 kilograms) of leafy greens a typical American eats in a year. By contrast, urban counties around Milwaukee and Madison received 19 to 37 pounds (9 to 17 kilograms) per person annually.

Interviews with grocers, distributors and food pantry volunteers across 13 northern Wisconsin counties helped illustrate why.

Federal safety rules cap truckers at 11 hours behind the wheel, so a distant delivery might fit in a shift only if the truck has one stop to make. “But to be profitable, we need multiple stops on the truck,” one distributor said. “That’s why a lot of those really far-out stores, we’re not really interested in.”

Working to fill this gap, independent retailers operate more than half of rural grocery stores, providing 38% of food sales. To alleviate the supply chain cost burden, some rural grocers have joined or formed distribution co-ops they own and govern.

But co-ops alone won’t fix the underlying problem.

One grocer told our team that two cooperative distributors – which had served smaller, independent grocers – merged and were bought out by a private equity firm. Eventually, Kroger – one of the country’s largest integrated grocery chains – bought the distribution network and stopped supplying independent stores, serving only those it owned. It also focused on more profitable urban locations, opening new stores in high-growth markets.

This reduced competition in rural food distribution.

Reviving enforcement

During the Biden administration, the Federal Trade Commission revived enforcement of the long-dormant 1936 Robinson-Patman Act and other antitrust laws meant to protect independent businesses from a few big companies controlling the market.

The FTC sued to block a merger between Kroger and Albertsons, two of the country’s largest grocery chains. It also sued distributor Southern Glazer’s for allegedly giving deep discounts to national chain stores, including Kroger, and PepsiCo for allegedly giving a large retailer deals that smaller ones didn’t get.

In May 2025, under the Trump administration, the FTC dropped the PepsiCo case, citing partisanship. But in October 2026, it settled its case against Southern Glazer’s in a deal the agency said would make it easier for small businesses to compete with large chains.

In my assessment, enforcing Robinson-Patman and other laws would discourage discriminatory pricing that gives chains an advantage over smaller rural stores.

Taking a fresh look at food distribution policies – like the Motor Carrier Act and public utility policies – could also level the playing field. For example, including rural delivery as a licensing requirement again could improve rural food access.

What now?

In 2025, the Trump administration announced that it would no longer collect food security data, without which food systems researchers will struggle to know whether conditions in rural America improved or worsened in 2026. Meanwhile, public funding to monitor food systems continues its decline.

Though rural distribution remains a challenge globally, other countries are making inroads: In June 2026, Canada announced a 10-year food security strategy worth 3.2 billion Canadian dollars, including aid to independent grocers, refrigerated warehouses and open wholesale marketplaces where farmers can sell their produce.

Large regions of the U.S. would benefit from the same.

The Conversation

Michelle Miller receives funding from the United States Department of Agriculture, and the State of Wisconsin. She is affiliated with Wisconsin Farmers Union and Warehouses 4 Good.

​Politics + Society – The Conversation

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Crystal Hefner Says Famous Comedian Was ‘Biggest Perv’ at Playboy Mansion

Reading Time: 2 minutes

From 2012 until his death, she was the wife of one of the past century’s most infamous figures.

Hugh Hefner’s widow has accused the Playboy founder of forced incest and described scenarios of rape and coercion in their marriage.

Crystal Harris is also pointing the finger at a famous comedian who she says was the Mansion’s “number one customer.”

We’ll say this much: at least he isn’t the worst guy to do a Subway ad.

Crystal Hefner in 2026.
Crystal opens up about her late husband’s traumatizing bedroom behavior. (Image Credit: YouTube)

The ‘Playboy Mansion’s number one customer’ was apparently Jon Lovitz

On the Tuesday, October 27 episode of Lisa Guerrero’s Unleashed podcast, Crystal Harris spoke about her late husband — and people who rubbed elbows with him, no matter his reputation.

“Jon Lovitz, you were Playboy Mansion’s number one customer,” Crystal accused during the episode.

“You were, like, one of the biggest pervs there,” she characterized.

Many people use “perv” and “pervert” as terms of endearment, in part to reclaim terms often leveled at women and LGBTQ+ folks online.

It does not sound like Crystal intends this as a compliment towards the famous comedian.

(As before, we apologize for the AI slop thumbnail. YouTubers need to be better than this.)

Crystal went on to alleged that Lovitz was “up there” at the infamous Playboy Mansion “all the time.”

It seems that, at best, he came across as lecherous.

“And his eyes would go front to back, all the women that walked through the door,” Crystal recalled.

“And at the parties, he’d be the lurker,” she described. “And I remember him every time, every party.”

Crystal Hefner and Lisa Guerrero.
Crystal and Lisa Guerrero discuss Crystal’s book. (Image Credit: YouTube)

What does he have to say for himself?

Mere hours after the podcast episode aired, Jon Lovitz had a chance to respond.

On Tuesday evening, the comedian was out in Los Angeles, where he either took Crystal’s comments in stride — or earnestly misunderstood them.

“Anytime someone tells me I’m number one, it’s a compliment,” Lovitz announced, according to Page Six.

That’s … an interesting way of looking at that. Perhaps he just wanted to say something witty to dismiss it.

As for the characterization that he was a lurker, he simply shrugged it off.

Again, we want to emphasize that Lovitz is not accused of crimes or wrongdoings, just of giving Crystal the ick. Being a Subway spokesperson is not a crime, despite some unfortunate associations.

What else did Lovitz have to say?

“Hugh Hefner was one of the nicest, most generous people I’ve ever met,” he raved.

“And,” Lovitz continued, “all of his friends know it. That’s all I have to say about that.”

Once again, it seems that powerful men are best remembered by other men for how kind they were to them — but not how they treated others.

Crystal Hefner Says Famous Comedian Was ‘Biggest Perv’ at Playboy Mansion was originally published on The Hollywood Gossip.

​The Hollywood Gossip

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Emma Roberts Celebrates Julia Roberts’ Birthday With Unseen Photo

Emma Roberts and Julia Roberts attends the Los Angeles premiere of "Jesus Henry Christ"She’s just a niece, standing in front of an aunt, telling her how much she loves her.
Emma Roberts couldn’t let her aunt Julia Roberts’ 59th year go unrecognized, penning a festive tribute to her…
​E! Online (US) – Top Stories

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One Of The Best New Fast Food Items Of 2026 Brought Serious Heat To Panda Express

Heat seekers ventured beyond the iconic orange chicken at Panda Express with this fiery collaboration. Here’s what folks thought about the seriously spicy dish.

​Mashed – Fast Food, Celebrity Chefs, Grocery, Reviews

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NFL Trade Deadline: 1 Player Every Playoff Hopeful Should Target

A few big dominoes have already dropped ahead of the NFL trade deadline, and if we had it our way, there would be many more before 4 p.m. ET arrives on Nov. 10. Last week, we looked at which player on all 32 teams is the top candidate to be dealt before the trade deadline. This week, we’re looking at which player every playoff hopeful should try to land before the deadline comes and goes. A couple of our choices are repetitive, as there are a few teams that should clearly take advantage of the Indianapolis Colts’ fire sale and try to land star running back Jonathan Taylor. Some of our picks aren’t the sexiest names, either, as there are a handful of teams who could be better served trading for depth. And a few of our selections are a bit outside the box, as we think of creative ways for certain teams to get better before gearing up for a playoff run. So, which player should your favorite team try to trade for before Nov. 10 arrives? Here’s one player every playoff hopeful should target. Trade target: New York Jets edge rusher Will McDonald IV Greg Auman: Atlanta has gotten by surprisingly well at edge rusher despite Jalon Walker being out for the year and James Pearce about to finish an eight-game suspension. If the Falcons are really looking to make a push to end their playoff drought, they could double down by trading for Will McDonald IV, who played for defensive coordinator Jeff Ulbrich in 2023-24 and had 10.5 sacks in their second year together. He’s under contract on his fifth-year option for 2027, so it’s not just a rental. Another cheaper potential reunion? Get much-needed receiver help and add Jerry Jeudy from the Browns, where he played for current Falcons coach Kevin Stefanski. Trade target: Los Angeles Chargers S Derwin James Steven Ruiz: The history is there. Derwin James played two seasons under Ravens coach Jesse Minter during his time with the Chargers, and general manager Eric DeCosta said he would have taken the safety if they hadn’t traded down in the 2018 NFL Draft. Bringing in James, who could take over as the full-time nickelback, would free up Kyle Hamilton to move around the defense. The Ravens haven’t gotten much out of their deep safeties, but Hamilton could solve that. In 2024, Baltimore moved Hamilton into a deeper role, and it transformed the defense for the better. Bringing in another versatile piece like James could turn this defense into a top-10 unit. And with the Chargers at 0-6, they’ll likely be open to offers for their expensive vets. Trade target: Arizona Cardinals S Budda Baker Ben Arthur: The Bills are getting uneven play at safety and have pass-defense woes overall. They’re giving up 285.8 passing yards per game, ranked second-worst in the NFL, and sit 30th in scoring defense (28.5 points allowed per game). Despite being 30 years old, Budda Baker is still a big-time playmaker who would give Buffalo a major boost. Through seven games this year, he already has a career-high 3.5 sacks to go with an interception and four passes defended. Baker has no guaranteed salary left on his contract after this season, which makes it palpable for a team like the Bills to trade for the older safety. Trade target: Philadelphia Eagles CB Riq Woolen Auman: There’s so much of a Seattle presence in Carolina between head coach Dave Canales and general manager Dan Morgan, both longtime Seahawks guys and where Tariq Woolen began his career. The Eagles’ struggles make Woolen available as a rental, and Carolina has had both starting corners on injured reserve for the past month. Backups aren’t likely going to get them a repeat division title, so upgrading the secondary would be a priority if they were to be active at the trade deadline. Trade target: Los Angeles Chargers edge rusher Khalil Mack Auman: The Chargers’ unexpected disaster should have them dealing veterans at the deadline, and the Bears have traded for Khalil Mack before. He’s 35 and has an 0-6 career playoff record, so you’d think he’d be thrilled to join a legit contender like Chicago. It’ll cost more, but the Chargers may make a much younger edge rusher, Tuli Tuipulotu, available. He’s only 24, had 13 sacks last season and will be a free agent next year, but you’d have to give Los Angeles a pick comparable to the one they’d get as a compensatory pick in 2028 for losing him in free agency. Trade target: Indianapolis Colts RB Jonathan Taylor Arthur: This Bengals’ season is about making big swings, right? Cincinnati has already seen the major impact of DT Dexter Lawrence, who was acquired for the 10th overall pick in the past draft, on their once-maligned defense. One of the NFL’s superstar running backs, Jonathan Taylor, could be that piece on offense that takes the Bengals to the next level. Chase Brown has been a solid lead back in the past (990 rushing yards in 2024, over 1,000 rushing yards in ‘25), but his production has regressed significantly this year and the Bengals rank 30th in total rushing (81.2 rushing yards per game). That puts way too much pressure on Joe Burrow, Ja’Marr Chase and Tee Higgins to carry the load. The addition of Taylor would give Cincinnati a true pick-your-poison offense. Trade target: Philadelphia Eagles TE Dallas Goedert Arthur: With Quinshon Judkins and Dylan Sampson back from injury, the Browns are in good shape at running back. But they could really use help at pass catcher for quarterback Deshaun Watson. Outside of Harold Fannin, Cleveland doesn’t have a dependable tight end option. After Fannin, who’s averaging 36.7 receiving yards per game, the team doesn’t have a tight end touching six receiving yards per game. Dallas Goedert’s presence would open up two tight end sets for the Browns, which could make coach Todd Monken’s scheme more versatile. Browns GM Andrew Berry was also the Eagles’ vice president of football operations in 2019, so there is a connection to the front office in Philadelphia, which could be a seller ahead of the NFL trade deadline with a 2-5 record. Trade target: Arizona Cardinals edge rusher Josh Sweat Ruiz: The Cowboys could solve a lot of their defensive issues by just getting to the quarterback more often. Unfortunately, teams aren’t just giving away pass-rushing talent, but Josh Sweat and the Cardinals have been headed for a split for the past year, so he could come at a reduced price. Defensive coordinator Christian Parker was on the Eagles coaching staff when Sweat notched eight sacks for Philadelphia during its Super Bowl run. It’s a no-brainer from a fit perspective, but the 29-year-old hasn’t been productive this season, with just two sacks and seven hurries on a bad Cardinals defense. A trade to a playoff-contending team might bring out the best in him. Trade target: Indianapolis Colts RB Jonathan Taylor Ruiz: Well, since it’s unrealistic for the Broncos to trade for a new starting quarterback, we’ll go with the offense’s second-biggest need: a running back who can produce big plays on the ground. Denver has the offensive line and scheme to produce a good running game, but it doesn’t have a back who can capitalize on those advantages. We saw what Jonathan Taylor can do in a friendly offensive environment in 2025 when he played himself into contention for Offensive Player of the Year with the Colts. Broncos coach Sean Payton seems to love Jonah Coleman, who just returned from a preseason injury, but if the 2026 fourth-round pick doesn’t impress in Week 8, Payton could get desperate on deadline day. The Denver coach loves explosive plays, and Taylor can provide them. Trade target: Kansas City Chiefs CB Kristian Fulton Ruiz: The Lions need cornerbacks who can hold up in man coverage if they want to continue running defensive coordinator Kelvin Sheppard’s aggressive scheme. Those can be hard to find on the trade market, as teams typically covet man corners. But the Chiefs have a bit of a surplus at cornerback right now with rookie Mansoor Delane, Nohl Williams, and LaJarius Snead at the top of the depth chart. Kristian Fulton, who’s at his best in man coverage, hasn’t played more than 10 coverage snaps since Week 2. If the Chiefs are in the market for a receiver, they may look to flip Fulton for draft capital to help facilitate a trade for one. Detroit has too many holes in its defense to give away draft picks, but adding Fulton shouldn’t cost much. Trade target: Philadelphia Eagles G Landon Dickerson Henry McKenna: The Packers have been connected to basically every trade candidate around the NFL, from Quenton Nelson (now with the Seahawks) to Jonathan Taylor. How about someone who’s unhappy — but under the radar? How about Landon Dickerson? The Eagles have moved him in and out of the lineup and onto injured reserve, and his play has been … downright bad. But it’s not like the 28-year-old turned into a bad player overnight. The Packers should kick the tires and bring him in, maybe for a relatively small price on the trade market. Trade target: New York Jets S Andre Cisco Arthur: Safety Reed Blankenship, who signed a three-year deal with the Texans in the offseason, has had an uneven tenure so far in Houston. Andre Cisco would bring much-needed stability at safety and to Houston’s larger secondary, which has been a big disappointment and needs to get on track if the Texans are to turn around their 2-5 start. The Texans are currently allowing 244.0 passing yards per game, which ranks 27th. A former third-round pick, Cisco is allowing just a 76.2 passer rating as the nearest defender in coverage, according to Next Gen Stats. He’s seen his playing time dwindle in New York this season, so he could be available, and the Texans already have plenty of familiarity with him from when he played with the division rival Jacksonville Jaguars (2021-24). He’s due just over $910,000 in base salary for the rest of this season, after which he’ll be an unrestricted free agent. Trade target: Los Angeles Chargers CB Donte Jackson Auman: Jacksonville has the NFL’s best run defense, but the Jaguars are 30th against the pass, some of which is opponents trailing and throwing much more often. Having another veteran option at corner would help them in the playoffs and prevent someone like Josh Allen from having a big day, like he did last year when he completed 80% of his passes in Buffalo’s wild-card win in Jacksonville. Having more talent at corner also helps you let Travis Hunter freelance more on offense, so it could end up helping both sides of the ball. Donte Jackson turns 31 next month, but is the kind of ballhawk the Jaguars love, with nine interceptions in 2024-25. Trade target: New York Jets WR Garrett Wilson McKenna: If I’m the Chiefs, I’d happily settle for Brian Thomas Jr. He and Garrett Wilson have similar styles of play. But if we’re talking about who the Chiefs should target — above everyone else — then Wilson absolutely qualifies as the No. 1 candidate. He has already realized the form that you’d have to (very optimistically) project Thomas could achieve. The price difference would be substantial, with Wilson likely requiring a package that might be something like a first- and second-round pick (or thereabouts) — whereas Thomas might cost something around a second-rounder. But the Chiefs have been too patient for too long about their WR position. Time to get aggressive. Trade target: Philadelphia Eagles G Landon Dickerson Eric D. Williams: The Raiders need help along the offensive line, and Landon Dickerson provides a veteran presence from an organization with a championship pedigree with a workable contract. The Eagles have lost five in a row and are cratering. Dickerson is working his way back from a knee injury, but this is more of a long-term play to get another veteran offensive lineman to grow with Fernando Mendoza. Trade target: Minnesota Vikings WR Jauan Jennings Williams: Davante Adams will be out at least six weeks with an injured hamstring and Puka Nacua has already missed two games this season due to injury. Jauan Jennings is a tough receiver who brings a lunch-bucket mentality and would fit in nicely to L.A.’s receiver room. Jennings should be familiar with Sean McVay’s offense from his time with Kevin O’Connell and Kyle Shanahan. And Jennings has not found a meaningful role in the passing game of Minnesota’s offense. Trade target: New England Patriots RB TreyVeon Henderson McKenna: TreVeyon Henderson quietly has not worked out for the Patriots — with minimal success as a pass protector and too many instances where he simply runs into the back of the offensive line. Henderson’s splash plays have made rounds on social media, but his lack of consistency has given way to a guy like Corey Kiner (who?!) getting more work. So what if the Vikings took the opportunity to give Henderson a change of scenery and in a different scheme (which Minnesota just adopted this year)? Henderson could be better suited as a 1-2(-3) punch with Jordan Mason and Aaron Jones. ‘ Trade target: Los Angeles Chargers edge rusher Khalil Mack McKenna: There are a handful of enticing names on the market, from edge Josh Sweat to defensive tackle Jeffery Simmons. But the Patriots already gave up a first-round pick in the last few months. I don’t see them doing it again here at the deadline. So Khalil Mack would make sense, given that he’s a veteran who can help in a rotational role — and for a late-round pick. It won’t move the needle much. But the Patriots probably don’t think they need to move the needle much, with the effects of A.J. Brown still pending. When he finally starts contributing, the Patriots should improve — perhaps substantially. Trade target: Indianapolis Colts DT Grover Stewart Ralph Vacchiano: The Giants never really replaced Dexter Lawrence in the middle of their defensive line, and that’s easy to see from a run defense that’s giving up 128.1 yards per game. They have enough weapons on offense, as long as QB J.J. McCarthy keeps playing well. What they need to do is fortify a defense that has been battered by season-ending injuries to LBs Brian Burns and Tremaine Edmunds. Tennessee’s Jeffery Simmons is the DT star of the market, but he’ll likely cost a first-round pick. Grover Stewart, 33, should cost less than the fourth-rounder the 49ers dealt for Stewart’s old teammate, DeForest Buckner, though. And at 6-foot-4, 315 pounds, he could be a cheap way for the Giants to bulk up their defensive line and add a little interior push, too. Trade target: Los Angeles Rams TE Colby Parkinson Vacchiano: It’s pretty clear that the Eagles need to be big sellers at the trading deadline, but GM Howie Roseman is a wizard at playing the long game, so there’s no reason he can’t do a little buying too. It would have to be strategic, though, and adding a tight end to replace the soon-to-be-departing Dallas Goedert would definitely be a good strategy. Colby Parkinson, 27, is a vastly underrated receiver and a huge (6-7, 266) red-zone target, who is just lost at times in the deep and talented Rams offense. With L.A.’s season teetering, and Parkinson’s contract expiring after the season, he’d be a low-cost addition for Philly. And if they can re-sign him in the offseason, he’d fill a huge 2027 need, too. Trade target: Jacksonville Jaguars WR Brian Thomas Jr. Vacchiano: With injuries to Michael Pittman and Roman Wilson, the Steelers desperately need to add passing game weapons to help out aging QB Aaron Rodgers on his last ride. And adding a potential deep threat like Brian Thomas Jr. would surely help, especially since WR DK Metcalf has been erratic in that role. Thomas is still only 24 and a former first-round pick who had a monster season as a rookie just three years ago (87 catches for 1,282 yards and 10 touchdowns), but he’s been completely buried in Liam Coen’s Jaguars offense. The speedy 6-2, 209-pounder could be a really low-cost addition (though several teams could be interested and turn it into an odd bidding war). And the upside could be huge for an offense that needs a downfield threat and a boost. Trade target: Los Angeles Chargers edge rusher Khalil Mack Williams: Even if Nick Bosa eventually returns from injury and after Tuesday’s trade for DeForest Buckner, the 49ers still need help at edge rusher to improve the pass rush on a team that has Super Bowl aspirations. After mulling retirement, 35-year-old Khalil Mack decided to return and play one last season in Los Angeles. But he didn’t expect to potentially end his career for one of the worst teams in the league. Mack still has gas left in the tank and could contribute to a veteran team in position to make a deep postseason run. Trade target: Tennessee Titans RB Tony Pollard Williams: Seahawks GM John Schneider already made a move to bolster the offensive line with the addition of Pro Bowl guard Quenton Nelson. He won the battle of optics by Seattle’s defense shutting down former teammate Kenneth Walker III in his return to Lumen Field with the Kansas City Chiefs. However, even with the eventual returns of first-round pick Jadarian Price and Zach Charbonnet on the horizon, the Seahawks still need more juice in the running game to protect Sam Darnold if they want to defend their Super Bowl title. Tony Pollard provides that on a team that Seattle made a midseason trade with a few years ago, landing linebacker Ernest Jones IV from Tennessee.​Latest Sports News from FOX Sports

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Roll The Tape: Goff Is Built To Beat Minnesota; Why McCarthy Is Thriving In New York

The Seahawks reminded why they have the best defense in football. The Lions have an ideal quarterback to spoil the Vikings’ perfect record. The Giants might have a new starting quarterback. Each week, I dive into the All-22 coaches’ film before offering a few insights to watch. Here are three developments that could be long-term storylines involving some of the best teams and players in the NFL. Whenever a defense gets to face a former teammate who has teased and tormented them in practices for years, the unit can’t wait to spot the ball and shut down their ex to earn bragging rights. With star running back Kenneth Walker III returning to Seattle to face the league’s top defense in prime time this past week, the football world couldn’t wait to see how the “Dark Side” would treat K9 in his homecoming. Walker, of course, didn’t enter the matchup as merely the reigning Super Bowl MVP. He was the NFL’s rushing leader after averaging a whopping 133 yards per game while forcing 51 missed tackles through five games. The fifth-year pro was picking up 9.2 yards per carry when not hit behind the line of scrimmage, which led the NFL by over a full yard (minimum 25 carries). However, the Seahawks are a sure-tackling team, with a 90.1% tackling rate (third-highest) and hit running backs in the backfield on 48.5% of their carries, with 22.7% of those hits resulting in a tackle for loss or no gain. A long, hard look at the tape from this Week 7 showdown revealed a lot about the Seahawks. Namely, they boast the best defense in football. Defensive-minded head coach Mike Macdonald has installed a scheme that lets his playmakers play fast, but from various spots and alignments. As a proponent of positionless football, the Seahawks run five and six defensive backs on the field at all times, and their clever use of Nickel and Dime personnel, regardless of the offensive grouping, speaks to the unit’s versatility, with defensive backs deployed as quasi-linebackers on blitzes. Against Kansas City, Seattle didn’t stray from that approach, playing five or more defensive backs on 100% of the snaps. With Macdonald keeping his defensive backs deep to eliminate explosives through the air, the Seahawks impressively kept Walker in check without loading the box. They finished with a 7.1% stacked-box rate, per Next Gen Stats, while holding the Chiefs to 4.3 yards per play and limiting Walker to just 36 rushing yards total. The stellar performance snapped Walker’s 11-game streak with at least 50 yards and offered a blueprint for containing the NFL’s top rusher. Studying the All-22 coaches’ footage, the Seahawks contained the Super Bowl MVP with a high school-like game plan featured on Friday nights across the country. The defense stayed in a traditional two-deep zone or single-high safety coverage with five defensive backs on the field. They overwhelmed the Chiefs at the point of attack with interior size and outran Walker to the corner, with a speedy collection of linebackers and defensive backs running the ball with urgency. Seattle’s outstanding effort and flawless tackling stopped Walker in his tracks and disrupted the rhythm of an offense that has dictated its terms to opponents with a balanced but explosive attack. Although Macdonald added some tricks and gimmicks throughout the game, the Seahawks simply overwhelmed the Chiefs with their talent, toughness and tenacity. If they continue to play to their standard, the defending champs will have a lot to say about which team represents the NFC in Super Bowl LXI. Under aggressive defensive coordinator Brian Flores, the Minnesota Vikings have lived and died by the blitz. But the blitz-heavy tactician’s diabolical methods will be tested Sunday against Jared Goff and the Detroit Lions in America’s Game of the Week (1 p.m. ET on FOX). The Vikings enter Week 8 with the highest blitz rate in the NFL, coming off a game in which they registered the highest blitz rate in a single game (85.2%) in the Next Gen Stats era. Flores has pummeled quarterbacks into submission with an exotic pressure scheme that taxes the mind, body and soul. His unit relentlessly stresses opponents with five- and six-man pressures, complemented by simulated blitzes that radically change the picture for quarterbacks, with only four defenders rushing and seven falling back into coverage. Flores’ psychotic, high-pressure approach has turned the Vikings into a defensive juggernaut, and the football world is buzzing. In studying the All-22 coaches’ footage from the Vikings’ 16-10 win in Week 7 over the Colts, persistent pressure and constant harassment forced Daniel Jones into one of the worst performances of his career (he completed 13 of 22 passes for 108 yards and an interception), as Minnesota scratched out its sixth win with minimal contributions from the offense. Although Jones wilted under pressure, the Vikings will face an unflappable quarterback this weekend in Goff. The former No. 1 overall pick has become comfortable amid chaos, as shown by his remarkable numbers against the blitz. He enters Week 8 with a higher completion percentage (70% to 66%), passer rating (123.3 to 107.5) and yards per attempt (8.2 to 7.9) when blitzed compared to coverage. He surgically carves up defenses when under pressure, whether blitzes come up the middle or off the edges to disrupt his rhythm. Goff’s poise and pinpoint accuracy let him punish opponents for risky approaches. Against the Vikings, Goff must be prepared for “all-out” blitzes with everyone attacking the pocket from “mug” alignments (both linebackers positioned in the gap between the center and guard). An ultra-aggressive blitz from a hyper-aggressive alignment sets the tone for the rest of the game because it immediately speeds up the clock for the QB, forcing him to face his fear of a physical beatdown. Additionally, constant pre-snap movement and post-snap trickery can lead to countless mistakes and blunders from newbies and veterans alike. Moreover, it creates a scary-movie effect, making Flores the “Boogeyman” everyone fears around this time of year. Given his experience against Flores and his high-pressure scheme, Goff has a chance to crack the code on a defensive scheme that has quarterbacks and playcallers up late at night. Before you laugh at the thought of Minnesota castoff J.J. McCarthy becoming a permanent QB1 for his new squad, consider how the former first-rounder has quickly adapted to the Giants’ culture and energized an offense that suddenly looks competent under his direction. Perhaps we shouldn’t be surprised by his early success after connecting with John Harbaugh, who likely received operating instructions from his brother on how to maximize the young quarterback’s talent. It was just a few years ago, after all, that McCarthy led Jim Harbaugh’s Michigan Wolverines to a 28-1 record and a national championship while running an old-school offense that bludgeoned opponents with a hard-hitting running game and a complementary aerial attack. Although skeptics questioned whether McCarthy could carry an offense as a designated playmaker, Jim Harbaugh advocated for him, calling McCarthy the “best quarterback” in the 2024 class during league meetings and after Michigan’s Pro Day. Harbaugh praised McCarthy’s arm talent, intangibles and competitiveness, and highlighted his exceptional command of the Wolverines’ offense. In New York, McCarthy has been as good as advertised despite his struggles with the Vikings. The underrated dual-threat has energized the Giants’ offense with his playmaking potential, adding an explosive element to an offense that needed a shot of energy. Despite playing less than a quarter of Week 6, McCarthy connected on five passes for at least 20 yards. That tied a career-high. After adding another five such completions in Week 7 — he trails only Caleb Williams (11) in the entire league over the past two weeks — it is time for the football world to reconsider its opinion of the polarizing passer. John Harbaugh’s tough love and blue-collar environment, combined with offensive coordinator Matt Nagy’s experience with young quarterbacks (see: Mitch Trubisky) leading playoff-caliber teams, could give the Giants a chance to hang onto the NFC East crown by season’s end. The Giants’ new QB1 has the right mix of gunslinger and game manager to enhance a ground-and-pound offense and complement an aggressive defense that can control the game with a dynamic crew of defensive linemen and linebackers. Should the Giants continue to build confidence with McCarthy under center, don’t be surprised if he ultimately forces an unexpected QB competition in 2027 with Jaxson Dart that determines which former first-rounder owns the starting job for years to come.​Latest Sports News from FOX Sports

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Entertainment

One Of The Best New Seafood Items On Costco’s Website Comes With A Nearly $300 Price Tag

While Costco is known for its affordable prices on groceries, it also has luxury items like this highly rated seafood offering, which costs nearly $300.

​Mashed – Fast Food, Celebrity Chefs, Grocery, Reviews

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Entertainment

Open Channels FM: Post Formats, Bring Back the Fun and Flexibility in Blogging

Bob Dunn and Derek Hanson reflect on blogging, personal writing, and using post formats to shape digital presence beyond social media.​WordPress Planet