Category: Politics

Democrats’ long-awaited autopsy of the 2024 election backfired almost immediately after it was released on Thursday.

The Democratic National Committee’s biting and gloomy portrait of the party immediately kicked off a fresh round of infighting, with strategists and party officials lambasting chair Ken Martin for releasing a haphazard, typo-ridden report that failed to fully capture why, exactly, the party was crushed by President Donald Trump.

Martin explained his reasoning to DNC members on a private call Thursday afternoon, according to three people on the call granted anonymity to share details. One person said Martin’s post as chair is “absolutely at risk,” though they were not sure “if DNC members have enough votes to actually pass a vote of no confidence.”

Martin appeared to acknowledge his shaky standing at the end of his remarks to members, thanking them for their “continued support.”

“Being a leader at any level means you own every single mistake — those of your creation and frankly those not of your creation. This was a major mistake. I own it,” he said, per a recording of the call obtained by POLITICO. “And now it’s time for us to move forward at the DNC, and I hope that you’ll move forward with me.”

The 192-page document — which the DNC only made public after it had been published by CNN — made no mention of Israel or Gaza and included sparse references to former President Joe Biden’s decision to run for reelection, two key elements that contributed to Trump’s 2024 win.

“We should take this autopsy with a massive grain of salt. Clearly, the people who put it together ran a highly ineffective, ill-researched process. Therefore it’s difficult to draw constructive conclusions,” said Adrienne Elrod, a senior adviser on the Biden and then Harris campaigns.

“What’s important is what’s missing, what they’re not releasing,” said Ashley Etienne, a former communications director for Vice President Kamala Harris who left the administration in 2021.

“It feels like what the DNC is doing is cherry-picking the parts of it that it wants to actually release, that [are] less problematic for the party going forward, because most of the stuff that we’re reading right now is … not groundbreaking.”

The Democratic Party is still navigating its path forward while it remains fully locked out of power in Washington and struggles to match Republicans’ cash-on-hand advantage. The report’s release comes after months of internal and external pressure on the DNC to provide lessons from 2024 in order to move forward with the looming midterms.

Martin released a lengthy statement apologizing for how he handled the autopsy, which was written by Democratic strategist Paul Rivera, although his name does not appear on the released copy and he is no longer working for the DNC. The DNC never received a finished report, according to a person within the party granted anonymity to share details, and the author did not turn over a list of interviewees or transcripts despite multiple requests. The post-election analysis contains interviews with hundreds of operatives from all 50 states.

David Hogg — the former DNC vice chair who was ousted over a procedural issue and has embarked on a primary spree against fellow members of his party — unsurprisingly called for Martin’s resignation.

Asked why in an interview with POLITICO Thursday, Hogg responded: “I mean, have you read the report?”

“This cannot be the best person to lead us in this moment,” Hogg said, emphasizing the missing elements of the report like Biden’s age and the war in Gaza. “I can think of 100 different people that could do a better job.”

One Democratic operative who worked for the DNC and the Harris campaign called the autopsy a “self-inflicted wound and unfortunate given victories in New Jersey and Virginia.” Another senior Democratic operative close to the process who was granted anonymity to speak candidly said simply: “The report’s so stupid, it’s hard to make sense why something’s in there and why it’s not.”

Still, James Zogby, a longtime DNC member, said the backlash to Martin may be overblown.

“I’m getting calls from people saying ‘do I think he should step down?’ And the answer is no, not at all,” he said. “The people who are making the biggest fuss are the people who didn’t want him in the first place.”

Even in its draft-like state, the report drew scathing conclusions as to why the party lost.

Rivera, in the autopsy, wrote that Democrats “have proven incapable of projecting strength, unity, and leadership, and voters have drifted away,” citing Latino voters’ shifts to Trump and highlighting the GOP’s immense spending.

The report also dings the Biden White House for saddling Harris with the immigration portfolio, which Trump and running mate JD Vance used to great effect after she took over the Democratic ticket. And simply put, Rivera implies that Republicans are better at running campaigns.

“At times, it seems Democrats are trying to win arguments while Republicans are focused on winning elections,” the report says. “Democrats operate in an ecosystem defined by reason even in cycles when the electorate is defined by rage.”

The Harris campaign in particular struggled to respond to an attack ad the Trump campaign ran featuring statements on transgender Americans: “They all recognized the attack was very effective,” Rivera wrote, “and felt the campaign was boxed.”

Not every Democrat was upset by the release Thursday. Prominent centrist groups that argue the party has drifted too far to the left found validation in the report.

“Ken Martin’s autopsy of the autopsy was excellent!” said Liam Kerr, co-founder of the centrist WelcomePAC. “After spending a decade accepting all edits from every progressive interest group, better to just delete all DNC strategy docs and admit we need to start from scratch. Admitting incompetence is much better than denial.”

Jonathan Cowan, president of center-left group Third Way, suggested the report was shelved because it would anger progressives. “I think it’s very clear why this report was buried, because as it says in the opening, it calls for Democrats to return to the vital center,” Cowan said. “Now I understand why a lot of very Twitter-friendly, super liberal DNC staff didn’t want this to come out.”

The overwhelming takeaway from the autopsy, after conversations with dozens of Democrats on Thursday, was that it’s time to move on.

“Folks want to point fingers and navel gaze, and this internal fight doesn’t get us where we want to go,” said Tory Gavito, president of Way to Win, a Democratic donor table. “We are months away from an existential election period. The economy is in free fall, but the Constitution is in shreds. Democrats have to win and have to focus on what they need to do to win, and we weren’t waiting for the DNC to release a report to do that.”

The postmortem’s release ends a monthlong fight within the DNC over whether or not it should have been made public at all. Martin pledged to release the document publicly in January 2025, then reversed course in December. The move infuriated Democrats at war with themselves over what went wrong in the election even as Martin said he was attempting to steer the party toward focusing on a series of post-2024 overperformances rather than continuing to publicly rehash its botched presidential effort.

But pressure continued to build on the DNC to release it, with liberal groups like RootsAction flooding DNC officers with thousands of emails, as activists and allies traded conspiracy theories about what could be in the report that the organization didn’t want publicly aired.

Martin reversed course — again — on Thursday, acknowledging in a Substack post that by trying to avoid creating a distraction after the party’s wins last November, “I created even bigger distraction. For that, I sincerely apologize.”

By putting a bright red disclaimer atop every page noting that the “document reflects the views of the author, not the DNC” — the party made one thing very clear: It still hasn’t formed its own conclusion of what went wrong, or where it’s headed next.

Dasha Burns, Samuel Benson, Gregory Svirnovskiy and Liz Crampton contributed to this report.

​Politics

President Donald Trump has finally delivered on his promise a decade ago: He has made Republicans “so sick and tired of winning.”

The winning — a series of retributive primary challenges this month that settled scores up to five years old — has led to a fresh round of chest-thumping from MAGA allies boasting about their victories in Indiana, Louisiana and Kentucky.

Trump ended his vendetta spring Tuesday by dropping a two-stage MAGA bomb, backing Attorney General Ken Paxton for Senate in Texas on the same day he ushered Rep. Thomas Massie to the exits in Kentucky.

But the revenge tour is increasingly imperiling Trump’s midterm agenda on the Hill.

That’s because for every apostate ousted by Trump this month, there’s a sign of not only his waning political capital on the Hill, but that his backward-focused endeavors have damaged his own legislative ambitions, leaving him a victim of his own primary success.

“Those so-called victories over the last couple weeks are just a mirage. They are self-owns,” said one senior Senate Republican operative, granted anonymity to speak candidly about frustration with the White House. “We’re not actually beating Democrats, and we’re not actually advancing legislation. Instead, gas is up 45% due to our actions and the President’s decision to go to war with Iran. He’s focused on the ballroom. He’s announced a $1.8 billion restitution fund with zero details or congressional authority to do so. It just is crazy.”

In just one day, a conquered — and, consequently, unbridled — Sen. Bill Cassidy joined Democrats to become the 50th yes vote on a war powers resolution, opposed Trump’s ballroom funding in reconciliation and called Trump’s freshly picked Paxton a “felon.” And that was just day three of Cassidy unchained.

Cassidy is not alone. Trump’s ballroom funding is stalled, the SAVE America Act is mired in the Senate and Majority Leader John Thune is pushing back on his desire to fire the parliamentarian. That’s not to mention the pushback even from the likes of the friendlier senator from Louisiana, John Kennedy, who expressed doubt about the Justice Department’s $1.8 billion Anti-Weaponization Fund.

“There are still many, many months to go before the election, and this president is going to have to continue to deal and work with, and partner with, or battle with this group of lawmakers,” Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska told reporters Tuesday. “Even though Bill Cassidy lost his primary, he is still a voting member of the Senate until January. … So the president may have just opened some opportunities for people.”

Now Cornyn could join their ranks. After Trump endorsed Paxton, the senior Texas senator faces increasingly slim chances of surviving next week’s runoff election. Should he lose, Cornyn will be liberated to vote his conscience — unmoved by threats of further political vengeance from Trump — for the final months of his term.

“What is the return on investment for Trump?” said Greg Lamantia, a Texas businessman who supports Cornyn, about Trump’s Paxton endorsement. “I don’t understand why you take this risk, versus sitting back and doing nothing. Now you’ve created an enemy for six months, when you have a razor-thin majority.”

“Republicans are united behind President Trump because we share one vision: securing the border, strengthening the economy, restoring common sense, and putting America First,” said RNC spokesperson Kiersten Pels. “While the media tries to manufacture division, Republicans remain focused on delivering results for the American people and building momentum heading into 2026.”

Come November, if Paxton loses to state Rep. James Talarico, this week and Trump feeling himself after victories in Indiana and Louisiana could be remembered as the week where he overreached.

“Some of the issues I hear about when I’m at home in the grocery store, in the hardware store, are not the same issues we’re talking about in Washington, so I think it’s really important that we prioritize what people are talking about,” said Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo).

That daylight between Trump’s priorities and the top issues for voters is widening. The economy and cost of living remain voters’ top priorities, even as patience for the Iran war wavers. And though Trump has flexed his electoral muscle in primary after primary, his endorsement may hurt more than it helps in battleground races this November, according to a recent analysis from The POLITICO Poll.

“It seems to me his agenda is mostly vengeance,” said former Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.), who spent 15 months as a vocal Trump critic after deciding not to run for reelection during Trump’s first term. “It’s not just those that he’s going after he’s gonna have to deal with — Massie and Cornyn and Cassidy — it’s anybody who’s gotten past the filing deadline, or past their primary, and realizing that supporting a lot of what he wants is not good for the general election.”

At the end of a month that put on full display Trump’s dominance over his own party, his season of settling scores may not have advanced the ball toward November.

That dynamic could pose a problem for Republicans, Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley told POLITICO. “Congress doesn’t do much,” he said.

“In November, voters are going to say to Congress, ‘What have you done for me?’ And it’s not going to be enough to say that, ‘Well, you know, we liked some stuff President Trump did, but we didn’t do any of it,’” Hawley said. “I mean, we better do some stuff.”

What does it mean that Trump has vanquished his foes at the expense of his own agenda?

“It means President Trump and his team have completely lost sight of how DC operates and why the American people elected him in the first place,” said the senior Senate Republican operative.

Last year, chief of staff Susie Wiles told Vanity Fair that she had a “loose agreement that the score settling will end before the first 90 days are over.” That was 395 days ago.

Ali Bianco contributed to this report.

​Politics

The MAGA takeover of the Georgia GOP is nearly complete.

The old-guard of the Republican Party in Georgia has fallen after withstanding MAGA’s furor since 2020, replaced by a new breed of candidates — up and down the ballot — closely aligned with President Donald Trump.

On Tuesday, the Trump allies marched on: Trump-backed Lt. Gov. Burt Jones clinched a spot in the gubernatorial runoff on Tuesday alongside billionaire Rick Jackson, who told supporters he’d govern like the president “with a southern tone.” In the GOP Senate primary, Rep. Mike Collins, a staunch MAGA ally, advanced to a runoff. And House candidates Jim Kingston, Houston Gaines and Clay Fuller won their races by wide margins, boosted by the president’s endorsement.

Meanwhile, longtime Trump antagonists — especially those who denied the 2020 election was “stolen” — lost their primary battles: Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, Attorney General Chris Carr and Gabriel Sterling, a former top Raffensperger aide.

The results offered the clearest sign yet that Georgia Republican voters increasingly want their political future tied to Trump-style politics and messaging — a shift in one of the nation’s premier battlegrounds that could shape elections in 2026 and beyond.

“It’s key to success in a Republican primary in Georgia today to either have the president’s endorsement or be able to make the case to voters that you’re certainly a Trump-aligned candidate,” said Georgia Republican Party chair Josh McKoon, a loyal Trump ally.

Candidates like Raffensperger may now be “relics of the past,” said Chip Lake, a longtime Republican strategist who helped Jones’ campaign. “That doesn’t mean they’re bad human beings, it just means that their style of politics is not consistent today with where the base of the party is.”

But hugging Trump that tightly in the primary has proved lethal for some Republicans in the general election, and Democrats in Georgia hope 2026 will echo the GOP’s 2022 election losses.

The Republican Party in Georgia, like in other states, has been drifting more and more toward a full-throated populist approach during the Trump era. But the old guard led by outgoing Gov. Brian Kemp (R) as well as Raffensperger and Carr managed to hold on through the 2022 midterm primaries against a number of Trump-backed challengers, delaying the hard MAGA takeover that occurred in many other states earlier on. The sharp shift this cycle comes as the GOP pushes for more resources and attention in the key swing state.

Now, some GOP strategists increasingly view aligning with Trump not just as an ideological litmus test, but as a practical necessity — especially as Trump’s political operation sits on  roughly $300 million in campaign funds. 

“It is good for the state of Georgia to choose these MAGA-aligned candidates in that the president has a huge war chest, and that war chest can be utilized for candidates that he likes,” said one Georgia-based Republican strategist granted anonymity to speak candidly about the state’s dynamics.

Across the state’s marquee Senate and governor’s primaries, the winning GOP candidates all embraced Trump’s brand. The expensive and rancorous primary for the governor’s mansion quickly evolved into a contest over who best carried the MAGA mantle — Jones, who has the president’s explicit support, or Jackson, who tried to convince voters that he, too, was closely aligned with Trump.

Trump has stayed out of the Senate primary so far, but the candidates still raced to align with his movement. Collins, a hardline immigration hawk and loyal Trump ally on Capitol Hill who appeared at a rally with Trump earlier this year, said that he is “unapologetically Pro-God, Pro-Trump, Pro-2nd Amendment, Pro-Strong Military” after advancing to the runoff.

Even former football coach Derek Dooley — Kemp’s handpicked candidate who will face off against Collins in the June runoff — leaned into his status as an outsider (à la Trump) and adopted a “Georgia First” pitch.

“We haven’t made any attempts to alienate Trump whatsoever. Derek supports the agenda. He’s made it clear through the debate and multiple interviews that he supports the president,” said a senior Dooley adviser, who was granted anonymity to speak openly about the race, prior to Election Day.

It’s a notable gamble for a party that was punished during the 2022 midterms for nominating hardline MAGA candidates across the country — including former football star Herschel Walker for Georgia Senate — who later lost in key races. This midterms cycle appears to be trending much harder toward Democrats, given Trump’s low approval ratings, voters’ concerns with the economy and the unpopular war in Iran.

Democrats are more than eager to tie Republicans to the president. Devon Cruz, a spokesperson for the Georgia Democratic Party, said in a statement that the Senate runoff will leave Collins and Dooley “terminally inseparable” from Trump.

Still, Tuesday’s results underscored how Trump’s dominance is increasingly shaping which Republicans can win statewide primaries in key races. And it’s not just in Georgia.

Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who has long been a thorn in the president’s side, lost his seat to a Trump-endorsed challenger in a bitter retributive campaign. Louisiana Sen. Bill Cassidy was ousted by the president’s favored candidate. Trump vanquished a majority of the Indiana Republicans who bucked him on redistricting. And he finally backed Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton for the Senate race after deeming Sen. John Cornyn to be an insufficient ally.

“The party has completely changed in 50 states,” Lake, the Republican strategist, said. “It looks nothing like it did a decade ago, and it looks absolutely nothing like it did 15 years ago.”

“We’re a party that’s a lot different, that’s got a sharper focus, that’s willing to fight more, ” he added.

Raffensperger, who had become the biggest icon of standing up to the president, acknowledged to reporters following his loss that conspiracies about the 2020 election – despite no evidence to support any claims of fraud – helped tank his chances with Republican voters.

But he stopped short of blaming Trump’s grip on the party on his failure to advance in the runoff: “I just think terms are up, and so it’s a changing of the guard and turning over a new leaf,” he told reporters after his election loss. “We’ll have new people with new plans, new hopes, new visions, and we’re going to see where it goes.”

​Politics

Rep. Mike Collins and former football coach Derek Dooley advanced to a runoff in Georgia’s Republican Senate primary, dragging out a bitter contest to take on Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff in November.

The result plunges Republicans into another monthlong intraparty fight. Meanwhile, Ossoff, who already has a massive name ID and $31 million and counting in his warchest, can continue building and conserving his resources in the marquee race.

It also sets up a proxy battle between President Donald Trump, who holds Collins as a close ally, and Georgia’s GOP Gov. Brian Kemp, who backed Dooley for the nomination. Dooley, who was polling in third place ahead of Election Day, had a late burst of momentum after casting himself as a political outsider and leaning on his ties to Kemp.

The outcome now intensifies pressure on Trump, who didn’t support a candidate in the primary, to intervene. The president’s endorsement in a runoff — where the electorate tends to be highly engaged voters — could prove decisive.

The primary was marked by infighting and state Republicans’ escalating concerns that the national GOP was shifting its attention to other battleground states instead of Georgia.

A runoff looked all but inevitable in the contest’s final weeks with polls showing none of the candidates near the 50 percent support they’d need for an outright win. Dooley and Collins will face off again June 16, though Tuesday’s result suggests the latter holds an advantage.

Early public polling of hypothetical general election match-ups shows Ossoff with a lead over both Republicans.

The general election is expected to be one of the most expensive in the country. The GOP-aligned Senate Leadership Fund has already pledged an initial $44 million in spending for the fall, while the Democratic-aligned Senate Majority PAC recently committed $20 million.

​Politics

Chris Rabb, a progressive state representative and self-styled “rabble-rouser,” clinched the Democratic nomination Tuesday for the nation’s bluest House district.

Rabb is all but guaranteed to succeed retiring Rep. Dwight Evans in Pennsylvania’s 3rd District. It’s a major win for the party’s left flank and a significant blow to the city’s storied political machine, which split between two other candidates in the race.

The progressive five-term state lawmaker toppled state Sen. Sharif Street, a former state Democratic Party chair and scion of a prominent North Philadelphia political family who had the backing of much of the city’s establishment. He also defeated Evans’ preferred successor, Ala Stanford, a pediatric surgeon who was running her first political campaign.

The race became a microcosm of the ideological and stylistic fights roiling the party nationally and a proxy battle between its progressive and center-left wings.

In a field where each candidate claimed progressive bona fides, Rabb tacked furthest to the left. He racked up endorsements from members of the “Squad,” won the backing of the local chapters of the Working Families Party and Democratic Socialists of America and held rallies with Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) and polarizing left-wing political streamer Hasan Piker.

He pushed his rivals to join him in calling Israel’s war in Gaza a “genocide” and attempted to tie his competitors to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which has become a lightning rod in Democratic primaries. AIPAC said it was not involved in the race.

His victory is as much an exclamation point for progressives as it is a remarkable rebuke of Philadelphia’s Democratic machine.

In an interview ahead of Election Day, Rabb said his win would signal “that the era of establishment politics is coming to an end.” Nationally, he said it would show that “folks who are framed as radical or far left by mainstream media and establishment politics … are very much in the moral center.”

​Politics

Keisha Lance Bottoms is the Democratic nominee for Georgia governor, as the party seeks to flip the state’s top seat for the first time in nearly three decades.

Bottoms, who defeated a crowded field to win the race outright Tuesday, can pivot to the general election — even as Republicans are headed toward a costly runoff of their own.

Georgia hasn’t elected a Democrat to the governorship since 1998 but has trended hard toward purple-state status in recent years, with Democrats carrying the state in the 2020 presidential election and winning Senate races there that year and in 2022. But the governor’s mansion has remained elusive — and some Democrats have already questioned Bottoms’ ability to win in a general election, noting that her rocky tenure as Atlanta’s mayor from 2018 to 2022 makes her vulnerable to general election attacks.

Bottoms’ outright win lets her get a head start at closing her fundraising gap in the race: Both Lt. Gov. Burt Jones and health care executive Rick Jackson — the two leading candidates on the Republican side — have amassed war chests that exceed hers by millions of dollars, but much of that money has come from personal loans to their campaigns.

With the primary now behind her, she is likely to ramp up efforts to tap national donors and support from Democratic leaders who had largely stayed on the sidelines.

Bottoms, who served as a senior adviser during the Biden administration and earned the former president’s endorsement, boasted higher name recognition than her primary opponents. She easily defeated former state Sen. Jason Esteves, former DeKalb County executive Michael Thurmond and former Lt. Gov. Geoff Duncan to clinch the nomination Tuesday.

Public polling before the primary showed Bottoms as the clear front-runner, but the state’s rules — which require candidates to win more than 50 percent of the vote — increased the likelihood of a runoff.

Still, even before the primary concluded, she was already the subject of attack ads from Republicans, including Jackson, foreshadowing the onslaught likely to come.

​Politics

Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro just passed his first major test of the midterms.

Bob Brooks, a Shapiro-endorsed firefighter union leader, will take on GOP Rep. Ryan Mackenzie in a key November battleground after clinching the Democratic nomination for Pennsylvania’s 7th District over a crowded field.

It’s a significant win for Shapiro, who helped recruit Brooks into the race as part of his aggressive push to help Democrats retake the House by flipping four competitive seats in Pennsylvania. A romp across the map could serve as a launchpad for the governor’s potential 2028 presidential campaign.

It’s also a boon to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, which recently added Brooks to its “Red to Blue” program and boosted him with a pre-primary ad buy.

Brooks, a first-time candidate, leaned heavily on the highly popular governor’s imprimatur to boost him over a four-way field that included former Northampton County Executive Lamont McClure, former federal prosecutor Ryan Crosswell, and engineer Carol Obando-Derstine, who served as an adviser to former Sen. Bob Casey (D-Pa.).

Shapiro went all-in, endorsing Brooks and hosting a fundraiser for him in December, cutting an ad for him in the spring and stumping with him shortly before Election Day.

The governor’s support brought scrutiny on both men. News outlets unearthed Brooks’ problematic old social media posts and a messy family property dispute. Brooks suggested that Shapiro tried to retaliate against a political foe in 2024 by encouraging his union to back her GOP opponent. (Brooks later said he misspoke.)

And a mysterious outside group with apparent ties to the GOP, Lead Left PAC, spent more than $1 million boosting McClure and attempting to sink Brooks and Crosswell in the final days of the race. Voters appeared to look past it all.

Brooks had more than just Shapiro in his corner. The blue-collar everyman who worked as a bartender and moonlights as a snowplow driver is being held up by an array of Democrats as a model for how the party can win back working-class voters.

He boasts one of the broadest endorsement lists of any House challenger on the map, a roster that spans from Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) to former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, and from the Congressional Progressive Caucus to the Blue Dogs. He’s also brought together a cross-section of top Democratic operatives, including the progressive Fight Agency and The Bench, a new group that works to elect nontraditional Democrats.

​Politics