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Trump endorses dozens ahead of Tuesday elections — but doesn’t name Earle-Sears

President Donald Trump endorsed more than 50 Republicans on Sunday night — but didn’t specifically name Virginia gubernatorial hopeful Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears ahead of Tuesday’s critical elections.

In dozens of social media posts, the president threw his support behind both first time hopefuls and those seeking reelection, including Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders. Earle-Sears, facing off against Democrat Abigail Spanberger, was not mentioned by name among the 53 endorsements Trump issued Sunday.

The president, however, made clear that he hopes voters cast their ballots for the Republican candidates in Virginia and in New Jersey, where Jack Ciattarelli is in a heated battle against Mikie Sherrill for the governor’s mansion. Trump endorsed Ciattarelli in October.

“Why would anyone vote for New Jersey and Virginia Gubernatorial Candidates, Mikie Sherrill and Abigail Spanberger, when they want transgender for everybody, men playing in women’s sports, High Crime, and the most expensive Energy prices almost anywhere in the World?” Trump said in one post. “VOTE REPUBLICAN for massive Energy Cost reductions, large scale Tax Cuts, and basic Common Sense!”

Trump has hedged around an official endorsement for Earle-Sears, telling reporters last monththat the “Republican candidate” in Virginia should win “because the Democrat candidate is a disaster.” Last week, the president joined the term-limited Gov. Glenn Youngkin for a virtual rally for the entire Virginia Republican ticket.

Some polling shows Earle-Sears trails Spanberger by double digits.

Neither the White House nor Earle-Sears campaign immediately responded to requests for comment.

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Federal workers’ union president says he spoke to Dems after calling for shutdown end

Federal workers’ union president says he spoke to Dems after calling for shutdown end

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Ben Shapiro blasts ‘intellectual coward’ Tucker Carlson amid staff shakeup at Heritage

Conservative podcaster Ben Shapiro blasted Tucker Carlson on Monday, calling him “the most virulent super-spreader of vile ideas in America,” adding fuel to an incident that sparked a staff shakeup at the Heritage Institute.

In an episode of “The Ben Shapiro Show” released Monday, Shapiro criticized Carlson’s podcast episode with Holocaust-denier Nick Fuentes, saying Carlson failed to push back on Fuentes’ bigotry.

“The issue here isn’t that Tucker Carlson had Nick Fuentes on his show last week. He has every right to do that, of course,” Shapiro said. “The issue here is that Tucker Carlson decided to normalize and fluff Nick Fuentes and that the Heritage Foundation then decided to robustly defend that performance.”

Carlson declined to comment when contacted Monday.

Shapiro’s critique is the latest crack in a conservative movement splintering over Carlson’s inflammatory interview with Fuentes. The interview, which aired last week, was laced with antisemitic references and sparked division within the Republican Party over whether the discussion should be allowed or condemned. On the podcast, Fuentes praised Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin and claimed the “big challenge” to unifying the country was “organized Jewry.” Carlson, a former Fox News host who retains a large following, said Republican Israel supporters suffer from a “brain virus.”

The podcast episode was received differently by two bastions of conservative thought: The Wall Street Journal’s editorial board condemned it, while Heritage Foundation President Kevin Roberts defended it, criticizing the “venomous coalition” attempting to “cancel” Carlson after the interview.

“I disagree with and even abhor things that Nick Fuentes says, but canceling him is not the answer, either,” Roberts said. Roberts later explicitly condemned antisemitism and detailed his disagreements with Fuentes.

Shapiro pushed back on Roberts’ characterization. “It is not cancellation to draw moral lines between viewpoints,” Shapiro said. “In fact, we used to call that one of the key aspects of conservatism.”

The incident sparked internal changes at the Heritage Foundation. Ryan Neuhaus, Roberts’ former chief of staff, resigned from the conservative think tank Monday, a Heritage spokesperson confirmed. Neuhaus had reposted statements defending Roberts’ statement on X.

“[Neuhaus] is a good man, we appreciate his service, and we have no doubt he will serve the movement in another capacity,” the spokesperson said. The Hill first reported on his resignation.

Carlson’s interview with Fuentes came on the heels of other high-profile incidents of antisemitism on the political right. Last month, a nominee to lead the Office of Special Counsel withdrew his nomination after bragging of his “Nazi streak” in a text message; days earlier, POLITICO reported on a leaked group chat of Young Republicans who praised Hitler and joked about the Holocaust. The same week, a Nazi symbol was discovered hanging in a GOP congressional office.

Shapiro, a prominent conservative podcaster who hosted fundraisers for Donald Trump and Senate GOP candidates during the 2024 cycle, warned that a “splinter faction” of white supremacists is being “facilitated and normalized” into the Republican Party’s mainstream, aided by Carlson.

“The main agent in that normalization is Tucker Carlson, who is an intellectual coward, a dishonest interlocutor, and a terrible friend,” Shapiro said.

At the annual Republican Jewish Coalition annual leadership summit last weekend, top GOP Jews attempted to distance Carlson from the GOP mainstream. Matt Brooks, CEO of the RJC, told reporters that antisemitism is “a very small, limited problem in our party,” and attendees waved printed placards that read, “TUCKER IS NOT MAGA.”

Shapiro, who is Jewish, warned that the GOP is “being eaten by its radicals.”

“The left followed its radicals to electoral hell,” Shapiro said. “Apparently, many on the right wish to do the same.”

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President of largest federal worker union calls for end of shutdown | The Conversation

President of largest federal worker union calls for end of shutdown | The Conversation

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The POLITICO Poll results: political violence (2025-11-03)

Results from The POLITICO Poll for the Nov. 3, 2025 story “America is bracing for political violence — and a significant portion think it’s sometimes OK”

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GOP leaders denounce antisemitism in their ranks but shift blame to Democrats

LAS VEGAS — Republican Jews acknowledged antisemitism is cropping up in their movement during a conference this weekend, but were quick to blame left-leaning Democrats for fanning the flames.

At the Republican Jewish Coalition leadership summit, a string of recent high-profile antisemitic incidents — including a skirmish this week featuring Tucker Carlson and the Heritage Foundation — cast a long shadow. Even as many speakers denounced antisemitism among conservatives and said the GOP must root it out, nearly all their condemnations were quickly qualified by criticism of Democrats.

“Republicans have a cold, and Democrats have a fever,” Ari Fleischer, a former White House press secretary and RJC board member, told reporters. “And Republicans are fighting the cold.”

The group’s summit, held annually at The Venetian Expo, the late casino magnate and GOP donor Sheldon Adelson’s convention center, occurs this year as the Republican Party is facing a barrage of pro-Nazi and pro-Hitler incidents within its ranks. Last month, a nominee to lead the Office of Special Counsel withdrew his nomination after bragging of his “Nazi streak” in a text message; days earlier, POLITICO reported on a leaked group chat of Young Republicans who praised Hitler and joked about the Holocaust. The same week, a Nazi symbol was discovered hanging in a GOP Congressional office.

Then, this week, Carlson hosted Holocaust denier Nick Fuentes on his podcast; the guest claimed the “big challenge” to unifying the country was “organized Jewry.” Carlson, a former Fox News host who retains a large following, said Republican Israel supporters suffer from a “brain virus.”

RJC speakers took aim at Carlson starting on the conference’s opening night. Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) said Thursday he has “seen more antisemitism on the right” in the past six months “than I have in my entire life.”

“If you sit there with someone who says Adolf Hitler was very, very cool, and that their mission is to combat and defeat global Jewry, and you say nothing, then you are (a) coward and you are complicit in that evil,” Cruz said.

But many speakers downplayed the concern, saying antisemitism is relegated to the fringes of the GOP.

Matt Brooks, CEO of the hosting organization, told reports that antisemitism is “a very small, limited problem in our party.” On Saturday, RJC staffers gave attendees large placards reading “TUCKER IS NOT MAGA” to wave, suggesting that Carlson’s antisemitic views stand apart from the GOP mainstream. Rep. David Kustoff (R-Tenn.), the longest serving Republican Jew in Congress, emphasized in his speech that antisemitism is an issue on the “fringes” of the Republican Party, and suggested that legacy conservative institutions like the Heritage Foundation are removed from the party’s mainstream.

“Heritage has to decide whether, in fact, they’re going to be a serious conservative movement and think tank and resource for all of us, or whether they’re going to pray to the fringes,” Kustoff said in an interview.

Even Rep. Randy Fine (R-Florida), who denounced Carlson as “the most dangerous antisemite in America” in his speech, said in an interview that antisemitism is “still on the fringes” in his party.

“But if we don’t deal with it, it could metastasize, like we’ve seen with the Democrats,” Fine said. “And I’m not willing to be a part of that.”

The string of antisemitic incidents among Republicans in recent weeks has caused some top Jewish GOP donors to double down. “Antisemitism isn’t a ‘right-wing’ problem — it’s a human one, festering across the spectrum,” said Y. David Scharf, a GOP megadonor and grandson of Holocaust survivors. He noted the incidents “don’t shake my support for the RNC or GOP candidates — they fuel it.”

“The party’s swift suspension of that Young Republicans chapter shows accountability,” he added. “I will back those who fight hate decisively.”

Even so, the antisemitic incidents have yet to garner explicit condemnations from President Donald Trump or Vice President J.D. Vance, a fact RJC officials and Republican lawmakers downplayed in interviews. “This is a decision every elected official gets to make,” Sen. Rick Scott (R-Florida) told reporters, when asked about Vance’s dismissal of Young Republicans’ rhetoric as “edgy, offensive jokes.”

“I believe the Republican Party stands for Israel. I believe we stand against antisemitism,” Scott said.

Unless Trump, Vance and other Republican leaders condemn the incidents, it will only continue to fester, said Halie Soifer, CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America. “If the president himself and Republicans were serious about combating antisemitism, they would condemn it when it emerges in their own ranks. And they do not,” Soifer said in an interview last week. “There’s a permission structure within the Republican Party, and it comes from the top.”

Joe Gruters, the chair of the Republican National Committee, mentioned antisemitism nine times throughout his speech Saturday, all in reference to universities or the political left. “Antisemitism has found a home in the Democrat Party,” he said.

Sen. Dave McCormick (R-Pa.) agreed, adding, “Let’s face it: Antisemitism is running wild on the progressive left,”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.), the highest ranking Jewish senator, encouraged Republicans to look inward, writing on social media Thursday, “Every person who has aligned itself with the Heritage Foundation, including elected officials, must disavow this dangerous mainstreaming of these hateful ideologies.”

CORRECTION: Matt Brooks’ name was incorrect in an earlier version of this article.

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America is bracing for political violence — and a significant portion think it’s sometimes OK

Most Americans expect political violence to keep growing in the United States and believe that it is likely a political candidate will be assassinated in the next few years.

Widespread pessimism about political violence is a rare, grim point of consensus in a country riven by political and cultural divisions.

A majority of Americans, 55 percent, expect political violence to increase, according to a new poll from POLITICO and Public First. That figure underscores just how much the spate of attacks — from the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk earlier this year to the attempts on President Donald Trump’s life in 2024 — have rattled the nation.

It’s a view held by majorities of Americans all across lines like gender, age, party affiliation and level of education, though Democrats and older voters expressed particular concern.

Perhaps most troubling, a significant minority of the population — 24 percent — believes that there are some instances where violence is justified.

There was little partisan divide in that belief, but a strong generational one: Younger Americans were significantly more likely than older ones to say violence can be justified. More than one in three Americans under the age of 45 agreed with that belief.

While political violence can take many forms, more than half of Americans say that it is very or somewhat likely that a political candidate gets assassinated in the next five years, according to the exclusive survey. That view cuts across party lines, with agreement from 51 percent of last year’s Trump voters and 53 percent of Americans who voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris.

Robert Pape, a University of Chicago political science professor who has studied political violence for the last three decades, is no longer warning that the country is on the brink of a violent age, as he did as recently as five months ago.

“We’re not on the brink of it, we’re firmly in the grip of it,” Pape told POLITICO, saying the country is now in an era of “violent populism.”

The POLITICO Poll, conducted after Kirk’s assassination, suggests Americans are rattled by the environment of heightened political violence — and that most still reject it: about two thirds, 64 percent, say political violence is never justified.

Still, a small but significant portion of the population, 24 percent, say that there are some instances where violence is justified.

“What’s happening is public support for political violence is growing in the mainstream, it’s not a fringe thing, and the more it grows, the more it seems acceptable to volatile people,” Pape said.

There have been a series of high-profile attacks and threats against members of both parties, across the country and at all levels of government, in recent years.

In addition to Kirk’s killing and the attempts on Trump’s life, there was the gruesome attack targeting former Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi that left her husband, Paul Pelosi, with a fractured skull in 2022; the assassination plot against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh that same year; the plan to kidnap Michigan’s Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer in 2020; and the firebombing at Pennsylvania Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro’s residence earlier this year.

In June, former Minnesota House Speaker Melissa Hortman and her husband were shot and killed in their home by a man impersonating a police officer in an attack that Gov. Tim Walz (D) called “politically motivated.” The man accused of killing Hortman and her husband was indicted on federal murder charges. His case is still pending.

On Capitol Hill, lawmakers are also increasingly concerned over the rising culture of violence. Last year, U.S. Capitol Police investigated nearly 10,000 “concerning statements” and threats against members, their families and staff. Just two weeks ago, a man was arrested and charged with making a “credible death threat” against House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries.

Local officials have also faced elevated attacks and hostilities — including insults, harassment and threats — according to a survey from CivicPulse and Princeton University’s Bridging Divides Initiative earlier this year.

That can have damaging effects for democracy, said Shannon Hiller, executive director of the non-partisan Princeton project: “When people aren’t willing to run because of the climate of hostility, that impacts who’s ultimately representing us.”

While most Americans believe violence will increase, the survey also found some gaps in opinion that revealed some groups hold darker views than others.

Democrats, for example, are more likely than Republicans to say that violence will increase.

That difference may reflect at least in part a broader sense of pessimism about the nation’s future among Democrats. Surveys — including The POLITICO Poll — have found that Democrats have more negative views than Republicans since Trump’s return to office, reversing the trend from when former President Joe Biden was in office.

Americans who hold negative views about major institutions, including the U.S. presidency, are particularly likely to say that violence is likely to increase. Among Americans who hold a very negative view of the presidency, for example, 76 percent believe violence will increase, while only 15 percent believe it will decrease.

The data suggest that the extreme partisanship that has come to dominate the current era of politics has in many ways shaped Americans’ feelings on violence.

Forty-one percent of Americans say they feel hesitant to share their political views in public, and they are significantly more likely than others to expect politically motivated violence to increase — 68 percent, compared with 47 percent of those who feel comfortable sharing their political views.

A Pew Research Center survey conducted in September asked an open-ended question about the reasons for political violence over the last several years, and Americans’ most common answers were grounded in partisanship. More than a quarter of Democrats, 28 percent, mentioned Trump’s rhetoric, the MAGA movement or conservatives as a reason, while 16 percent of Republicans cited the rhetoric of Democrats and liberals.

In the aftermath of Kirk’s killing, lawmakers on both sides urged Americans to engage with each other, even when they disagree.

“We can always point the finger at the other side,” Utah Gov. Spencer Cox (R) said at a press conference after authorities apprehended Kirk’s alleged killer. “At some point we have to find an off-ramp, or else it’s going to get much worse.”

But even the act of engaging with others who hold different views is difficult in a bitterly divided nation: 41 percent of Americans say they don’t have a close friend who votes for a different party than them.

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Jay Jones is back in the Democratic fold amid texting scandal

NORFOLK, Virginia — Jay Jones, the embattled Democratic nominee for attorney general in Virginia, made a surprise appearance at a major Democratic campaign rally Saturday aimed at revving up the party faithful ahead of the high-stakes statewide elections Tuesday.

Jones — whose years-old violent text messages triggered a nationwide GOP backlash and a steady drumbeat of calls for Democrats to push him off the ticket — opened the event, where headliner former President Barack Obama energized voters in support of Abigail Spanberger, the party’s gubernatorial nominee.

Speaking before Spanberger and Obama took the stage, Jones made no mention of the scandal that prompted Spanberger to distance herself from him. He instead focused his brief remarks on Jason Miyares, seeking to cast the incumbent GOP attorney general as a puppet for President Donald Trump.

“Trump has endorsed Jason. … He said ‘Jason will never let us down,’ and what that means is that he’ll never let Donald Trump down,” Jones said, with the crowd at the Chartway Arena erupting in boos in response to the mention of the current president.

He cast his opponent as being a “willing enabler” of the president, who has wreaked havoc on Virginia residents, and claimed Trump “illegally fires workers [and] levies tariffs that destroy our regional economies, including the Port of Virginia.”

The overwhelmingly Democratic crowd received Jones warmly, with cheers and applause. He reminded them he grew up in this region, which he said will help Virginia send a message to Trump on Election Day.

Republicans, including Trump, have seized on the text messages from Jones, who in 2022 sent to a colleague messages fantasizing about shooting then-House Speaker of Virginia Todd Gilbert, a Republican. Jones has apologized but refused calls, including from his opponent Miyares, to end his bid for attorney general.

Spanberger criticized those text messages, but like most other prominent Democrats in the state and nationally, did not call on him to drop out.

Speakers who appeared after Jones, including Democratic Rep. Bobby Scott, state Sen. Lamont Bagby and Sen. Tim Kaine all urged voters to vote for Jones on Tuesday.

“I met Jay Jones when he was 11 years old. I have known him for 25 years,” Kaine said, before laying into Trump, blaming him for the ongoing federal government shutdown and allowing funding for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program to lapse. He pointed out that several states filed lawsuits against the administration — but not Virginia.

“Virginia didn’t participate,” he said, “because Jay’s opponent wouldn’t stand up and say ‘hungry people deserve the money in the contingency fund that was set for them.’ Jay would never do that.”

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The New Jersey bellwether testing Trump’s Latino support

PASSAIC COUNTY, New Jersey — Both candidates in the New Jersey governor’s race have something to prove here in Passaic. It’s ground zero for the inroads President Donald Trump made with Latino voters — Trump won this plurality-Latino county last year, the first GOP presidential candidate to do so in decades — and it offers the first big litmus test of whether the Latino shift toward the GOP in 2024 will stick without Trump on the ballot.

That is, if Latino voters show up.

With just days left until Election Day, there are concerns on the ground that Democrat Mikie Sherrill’s and Republican Jack Ciattarelli’s campaigns have not done enough to reach the hyperlocal and swingy communities of Latinos in this northern pocket of New Jersey. Strategists and local leaders told POLITICO they’ve witnessed a lack of enthusiasm in Passaic County, where campaign messaging and activation around Latino voters is falling flat.

“It’s not as proactive as they needed to be,” said a Democratic strategist with roots in Passaic, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly.

Around Passaic, there’s a resounding recognition among Latino leaders and some organizers that this bellwether bloc of voters may not vote this year. Latino voters, like other minority groups, historically have lower levels of engagement in off-year elections.

Democratic candidate Rep. Mikie Sherrill at a campaign rally in Paterson, New Jersey, on Oct. 26, 2025.

“I’m asking you, please, do not stay home,” Passaic Mayor Hector Lora told a crowd of Sherrill voters at a campaign rally in Paterson last Sunday. “New Jersey is watching Passaic County, and the nation is watching New Jersey,” Christine Tiseo, a local councilmember, said at the same rally.

The signs of lagging enthusiasm are evident on the ground. A trip up Main Avenue, which cuts through the city of Passaic heading into Clifton and Paterson, is devoid of campaign postings or early voting signs. The main library in Clifton, which serves as an early voting site, has been under construction for months and is adorned with large black-and-white signs signaling its temporary closure. Prospective early voters have to make their way around the back of the building to find the entrance available to them.

“How the hell do you expect these people to vote!” Jeannette Mestre, a Clifton voter, told POLITICO on the sidelines of Sherrill’s event.

The most noticeable sign of life from either campaign during the past week came by way of canvassers from Make the Road New Jersey, who’ve been in the city of Passaic for months campaigning for Sherrill and speaking to thousands of residents to remind them to vote. During their third round of door-knocking Thursday in Passaic — which Trump carried with 52 percent last year — two canvassers noted the lack of visibility for either campaign in the neighborhood.

“It’s like they’re literally trying to get people not to vote,” said Lori Gonzalez, a volunteer with Make the Road. She estimated that of 60 voters her group connects with, about 40 will stay home. Knocking on doors of midsize residential buildings in Passaic on Thursday in the pouring rain, a consistent trend emerged: The decided voters — usually younger, all who have already prepared to vote — said they’re going for Sherrill. But many were unsure, and most of the others said they weren’t planning to hit the polls.

That trend is also playing out across the area: Passaic County’s early voting numbers are lagging behind, with Democratic turnout at 13.4 percent — six points below the state average, with a similar lagging trend for mail-in ballots. It’s the manifestation of anxieties ruminating within Latino strategists and local politicians that the community just hasn’t been rallied or motivated enough to vote.

“We fought a good fight for the primary, but now I see an apathy,” a local Democratic leader said about Sherrill’s campaign. “I would have wished to have seen more done in the Latino communities — you know where people are feeling like, ‘Wow, they care.’ And I believe that they care, but I think the campaign — I don’t think it’s making sure. [Sherrill’s] just out there, just going from space to space, and it’s a big state.”

Democrats’ theory of the case is that many voters in Latino strongholds like Passaic County had election fatigue in 2024; the right messaging didn’t reach them, so they chose Trump as a change agent who would help their pocketbooks or they simply stayed home. Winning Passaic back would not only chip away at Republicans’ gains, but also provide Democrats a battle-tested message to take into midterms.

GOP candidate Jack Ciattarelli at a campaign rally in Clifton, New Jersey, on Oct. 25, 2025.

Republicans are betting that their success with Latino voters last year wasn’t just a Trump effect, but rather a budding realignment of Latinos and working-class voters nationwide with whom they share values. Latinos are “waking up to the fact that the current policies have failed us, but also, the Democratic Party has been taking them for granted,” Ciattarelli told POLITICO on his tour bus after his rally in Clifton last Saturday.

Ciattarelli’s campaign has spotlighted him at practically every Latino parade in the state, connecting with Latino churches and small-business owners, said Kennith Gonzalez, who leads the campaign’s Hispanic outreach. Sherrill’s campaign has focused on connecting with local Latino leaders and groups, who can channel her message into their communities, campaign vice chair Patricia Campos-Medina said.

The problem is, with either approach, there’s people who fall through the cracks, according to Rafael Collazo, the executive director of the UnidosUS Action PAC, one of multiple groups supporting Sherrill and working to reach Latino voters across the state. “It’s hard to put a number on it, but a significant amount of Latino voters aren’t really touched by those networks on either side,” he told POLITICO.

Despite the millions of dollars in investments in Spanish ads and media outreach, the strategists and local leaders said Sherrill’s campaign has not spent enough time effectively connecting with hyperlocal Latino communities. A Democratic strategist granted anonymity to speak candidly said Sherrill’s running a suburban campaign with Latinos: “It’s like they took the strategy that you apply to the suburbs and try to take it statewide.” That comes amid general concerns in the final weeks about the enthusiasm surrounding Sherrill’s campaign, as POLITICO has previously reported.

Immigration is also bubbling as a flashpoint. Of the Passaic residents who spoke with Playbook about the election, all named immigration — ICE raids and deportations, more specifically — as their chief concern. The county is around 42 percent Latino, but cities like Passaic are up to 70 percent Latino, immigrant-dominated areas with some of the biggest concentrations of Puerto Ricans, Dominicans and Peruvians anywhere in the U.S. Ciattarelli has toed a delicate line by aligning himself with MAGA while softening on some immigration issues, but recent polling suggests that Trump’s sway with Latino voters generally is dropping.

“It’s the first meaningful temperature check since the last election,” Carlos Odio, a Latino analyst and pollster with Equis Research, told POLITICO. “And it’s fitting that it be here, because this is where you saw the biggest shifts from ’20 to ’24.”

Canvassing continues as the final days approach. Ciattarelli’s campaign is knocking doors this weekend in Paterson and nearby Woodbridge, while Make the Road said it’ll keep going for Sherrill in Passaic through Tuesday. Sherrill was scheduled for a get-out-the-vote rally in Clifton on Saturday.

But the campaigns will find out if they walked the walk with Latino voters on Tuesday. Sherrill, for her part, is talking the talk, at least. In a high school gymnasium in Paterson last Sunday, surrounded by Latinos volunteering for her campaign, Sherrill made a heartfelt plea to the community.

“Necesito su voto, familia,” she told the crowd in Spanish: I need your vote.

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Trump tells Ilhan Omar to leave the country

President Donald Trump on Saturday went after Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) for her Somali heritage, urging her to leave the country in a social media post, reprising an attack he used several times throughout his time in office.

“She should go back!” he wrote on Truth Social, alongside a video of Omar speaking to a crowd. It was not immediately clear when the event was, but the video of Omar speaking has been circulating among right-leaning social media accounts for at least a couple weeks.

Omar was born in Somalia, fled a civil war in the country when she was 8, and arrived in the U.S. after spending four years in a Kenyan refugee camp in 1995. She became an American citizen in 2000.

Trump’s MAGA allies, including Laura Loomer, were quick to amplify his post across their social media channels.

This isn’t the first time in recent weeks that the president has suggested Omar should be removed from the country.

“You know I met the head of Somalia, did you know that?” he told reporters at the Oval Office in September. “And I suggested that maybe he’d like to take her back. He said ‘I don’t want her.’”

Trump also called out Omar multiple times during his first term, in one instance accusing her of “telling us how to run our country” during the final months of the 2020 campaign.

Her office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

But the four-term lawmaker told a radio host Friday that she isn’t concerned by rhetoric around her immigration status.

“I have no worry, I don’t know how they’d take away my citizenship and like deport me,” she said on The Dean Obeidallah Show. “But I don’t even know like why that’s such a scary threat. Like I’m not the 8-year-old who escaped war anymore. I’m grown, my kids are grown. Like I could go live wherever I want if I wanted to. It’s a weird thing to wake up every single day to bring that into every single conversation, ‘we’re gonna deport Ilhan.’”

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