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Politics

Poll: Republicans’ gas price problem is even worse than it seems

Gas prices are high. Americans think they’re even higher.

Three in five Americans believe gas prices in their area have risen by more than they actually have, according to an analysis of new results from The POLITICO Poll. It’s those perceptions that candidates will be running against this fall.

Voters’ anxieties about fuel prices could give Democrats a boost ahead of the midterms, further strengthening the Democratic voting base and putting strains on the MAGA coalition as the increasingly unpopular war in Iran drags on. A plurality of Americans — 46 percent — say the change in gas prices will impact how they plan to vote come November.

Most voters overestimated the change in gas prices in their area, according to the analysis of polling and granular pricing data provided by OPIS, a Dow Jones company that tracks gas prices. That includes majorities of voters who supported President Donald Trump and also those who supported former Vice President Kamala Harris.

Roughly one in four Americans say gas in their local area has risen by $3.00 or more. But no zip code has actually seen that degree of change on average in the year and a half since Trump took office, as of early July.

Frustrations over cost of living could be reinforcing existing negative views of the Trump administration: Harris voters are far more likely to overshoot the cost jumps than Trump voters, making it harder for Republicans to peel off Democratic voters.

And the analysis shows a fracture among Trump voters. Self-identified MAGA Republicans were more likely to underestimate cost increases than non-MAGA Republicans — another crack in the president’s winning coalition as Republicans scramble to hold it together for the midterms.

“It is a particularly tough dance that many Republican candidates will have to endure for the next three months,” said Arizona GOP strategist Barrett Marson. “How do you feel the pain of your voters without feeling the wrath of Donald Trump?”

What’s more, American’s perceptions do not quickly change even when prices do. The POLITICO Poll asked about gas prices in both May, when they were near their peak, and July, when they had dipped.

The results were the same in both.

“President Trump and his energy team anticipated these temporary market disruptions, communicated them openly to the American people, and implemented an aggressive plan to mitigate any impacts,” said White House spokesperson Taylor Rogers. “As the U.S. military degrades the terrorist Iranian regime’s ability to attack commercial vessels and disrupt the free flow of energy through the Strait of Hormuz, oil and gas prices will plummet back to pre-conflict levels.”

Gas prices could swing votes

Americans’ frustrations with prices and the economy overall are changing how they say they will vote in the fall.

Of the 46 percent of Americans who said gas prices will have an impact on their vote, just under 40 percent said they are considering voting for a different party than they normally would, including 49 percent of MAGA Republicans and 57 percent of non-MAGA Republicans.

“Three quarters of the country is confronting higher gas prices and feeling it,” said longtime Democratic strategist Jesse Ferguson. “That leaves them … very vulnerable to the economic pain and very vulnerable to the economic argument the Democrats are going to make.”

To better understand public perception of gas prices, The POLITICO Poll asked Americans how the price of gas in their area had changed since Trump took office. Respondents could choose between buckets like “$1 to $2 higher per gallon,” “$1 to $2 lower per gallon,” or say prices had stayed roughly the same.

More than three-fourths said gas prices in their area have gone up.

Using OPIS data, POLITICO compared each respondent’s answer against the actual average cost of regular gas in their zip code during the first week Trump was in office and the week prior to the July poll, which was conducted by the independent polling organization Public First from July 12 to July 15.

That comparison revealed the difference between the pain the American public is feeling and where actual gas prices stand — and, in particular, how that pain is expressed differently among Democrats and Republicans. Roughly 70 percent of Harris voters and 54 percent of Trump voters overestimated the increase in gas prices in their area, according to POLITICO’s analysis.

“Democrats are highly motivated,” as a voting base, Marson said. “The longer the war goes on, probably the less motivated Republicans will be.”

The perception of higher gas prices is linked to how people see the economy — and who they blame for it.

Across the country, 57 percent of Americans say the cost of living is worse than they “can ever remember it being.” Those who overestimate gas price increases had more than twice the odds of agreeing with that statement, even after controlling for demographics and their 2024 vote.

Similarly, a plurality of Americans — 43 percent — blame Trump more than former President Joe Biden for the state of the economy overall. Those who overestimated their local increase in gas prices had nearly twice the odds of saying the same, compared with those who perceived the change in gas prices correctly or who underestimated the change.

It’s already affecting the battlegrounds

In the country’s most competitive races, Republicans will have to answer for the perceived cost pressures of rising gas prices more often than Democrats.

Thirteen of the most competitive districts have experienced gas price increases higher than the national average, according to POLITICO’s analysis. Of those, nine are currently represented by Republicans.

In California’s 22nd District, where Republican incumbent Rep. David Valadao will face off against progressive political newcomer Randy Villegas, average prices across the district had gone up $1.17 by early July — the third highest increase of any district, according to POLITICO’s analysis.

Villegas said in an interview that he thought frustration over gas prices would mobilize turnout in the fall, driven by how the cost of gas is “tied to every other thing.”

“It’s the cost of gas when you’re driving to the grocery store, when you’re driving to, you know, see a doctor,” he said. Or, the cost of gas when driving 7 to 8 hours away to “go get cheaper health care.”

Valadao did not respond to requests for comment.

In Colorado’s 8th District, where gas prices have risen by $0.73 on average since Trump took office, Republican incumbent Rep. Gabe Evans blamed local Democratic policies for increased costs more than the Iran war.

While “what’s happening halfway around the globe has some impact on global energy prices,” Evans said, high gas prices in the district are “a direct result of the local economic policies — the anti-energy policies — of the state Democrats who run the state of Colorado.”

But The POLITICO Poll results from this month show voters don’t necessarily feel the same. Roughly 63 percent of Americans selected “the war with Iran” as the primary reason why gas prices have increased since Trump took office, including 59 percent of Trump voters and 70 percent of Harris voters.

By the middle of May, the average price of gas across the country reached its highest point of the Trump administration to date: $4.50 per gallon, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. In July, average prices dipped to $3.78 per gallon, the lowest average price since March.

Still, in both months, more than 75 percent of Americans said gas prices had gone up, POLITICO’s polls show. And in both months, roughly 23 percent said prices had gone up by $3.00 or more.

This week, Trump said the upcoming midterms would not impact how he goes about fighting the war with Iran. “I can’t think about that having to do with this,” he said, referring to the elections. “I think people are very impressed.”

​Politics

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Alaska News

Alaska removes thousands from state’s active voter list, erroneously flagging some citizens

Carol Beecher, the new director of the Alaska Division of Elections, answers questions from reporters on Thursday, Feb. 16, 2023. (Photo by James Brooks/Alaska Beacon)

Carol Beecher, the new director of the Alaska Division of Elections, answers questions from reporters on Thursday, Feb. 16, 2023. (Photo by James Brooks/Alaska Beacon)

The state of Alaska has removed an estimated 3,000 to 3,500 Alaskans from the state’s active voter list, claiming they may be noncitizens.

The removals leave those residents able to vote only if they provide extra identity information, and removal puts them on track to be purged from the state’s voter roll altogether.

Only U.S. citizens may vote in Alaska, according to state and federal law, but many of the removals appear to have affected citizens who were erroneously flagged by the Alaska Division of Motor Vehicles. 

Carol Beecher, director of the Alaska Division of Elections, told state lawmakers on Wednesday that the removals were the result of “old data” given to the division from the DMV, and she isn’t sure why so many Alaskans were flagged as possible noncitizens.

Under Alaska’s “motor voter” program, people are asked if they want to register to vote when they apply for a driver’s license. The registration process requires the applicant to state whether or not they are a citizen. 

Elections officials check the state’s voter roll against DMV records several times per year, searching for people who may be incorrectly registered to vote here. That usually results in “more like 200 names” being flagged for extra attention, Beecher said. 

The latest check found “a lot more names than we were expecting,” Beecher said.

“We believe that when we did the match, that a lot of old data was picked up somehow. So we’re still ferreting through that,” she said. 

Beecher said that although the number of names flagged by the DMV was “very concerning,” the state has an obligation to act on the agency’s report.

“It is not disenfranchising the individual from being able to vote, but it’s a measure the division has to take to make sure that we only have citizens voting,” she said. 

Under its normal procedure, the division sends letters to people who were flagged by the DMV, asking those people if they are citizens.

Thousands of those letters were mailed to affected state residents starting last month, according to Beecher’s testimony and copies provided to the Beacon by affected citizens.

Beecher told lawmakers that anyone deemed a noncitizen by the state simply needs to contact the Division of Elections by phone, email or mail and state that they are a citizen.

“It is not an onerous request from the division to simply contact us and confirm, and that is what we have asked them to do. We don’t require paperwork. We’re not requiring documentation. Nothing like that,” she said.

After Beecher’s statements, the Beacon asked the head of the Alaska Division of Motor Vehicles, Kathy Wallace, and the Commissioner of the Alaska Department of Administration, Paula Vrana, for an interview. The Department of Administration is the DMV’s parent agency.

In response, the division sent a memo saying that in March, “the DOE provided DMV with a list of approximately 15,200 DMV license and identification applicants and requested that DMV provide citizenship information for these records. This was a non-routine request.”

What it gave to the Division of Elections was “only those records where DMV’s latest confirmed status for an individual was other than ‘Citizen.’”

Based on interviews with affected people, the records flagged by the DMV appear to include Alaskans who obtained driver’s licenses as noncitizens, then became citizens and registered to vote, but have not received a new driver’s license since becoming a citizen.

Alaskans respond to being put on the inactive list

Chris Waigl of Fairbanks got her Alaska driver’s license in 2019 and became an American citizen in 2025. She became alarmed after checking her registration status last weekend, only to learn that she was listed as “inactive – non citizen.”

“They were able to correct it there and then after I sent in copies of my naturalization certificate with a date before my voter registration date,” she said by email.

But Waigl went further, contacting four other people who became naturalized citizens at the same time she did. Of those, only one said they were still listed as an active voter.

One of the others, reached by phone, said he was listed as inactive despite registering as a voter at the local DMV office and presenting his citizenship paperwork at that time.

Another naturalized citizen, living in Juneau and unaffiliated with Waigl, said they also were unregistered despite indicating on their Permanent Fund dividend application that they are a citizen.

Several people affected by the removal said they have attempted to contact the Division of Elections but have been unable to reach staff by phone, and that voicemail boxes have been full.

“It’s just ridiculous,” Waigl said.

She said the state’s policy of simply sending a letter is inadequate, particularly because there may be legal consequences if the state or federal government believes someone has voted as a noncitizen.

“Citizenship rights, immigration is something I’m interested in for obvious reasons,” she said.

This isn’t the first time voter registration issues have been attributed to the DMV. 

In 2022, mistakes by the division led to dozens of noncitizens being registered to vote, even if they specifically stated they were nonresidents and ineligible. Some went on to cast ballots in state and local elections.

The scale of the new removals is notable. Last year, a copy of the state’s inactive voter list showed 541 registrations listed as belonging to possible noncitizens. 

If 3,500 people were added to the inactive list by the Division of Elections, that would represent more than a 700% increase.

The removals caused the state’s active voter roll to shrink between June and July, the first time since at least 2020 that has occurred in an election year, state statistics show.

The removals come seven months after Lt. Gov. Nancy Dahlstrom, who oversees the Division of Elections, directed the state to answer a request from the U.S. Department of Justice and turn over extended copies of the state’s voter rolls. 

The Justice Department has made similar requests across the country and intends to share the data with the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to check for noncitizens who may have voted illegally.

The tool used by DHS is error-prone and has erroneously flagged some citizens, according to an investigation by ProPublica.

States led by Democratic officials have accused the federal government of deliberately attempting to raise fear, uncertainty and doubt about state elections systems in order to lay the groundwork for challenges to the 2026 midterm elections.

“I’m just truly deeply concerned about this process creating even more distrust in our voter rolls, as if there isn’t enough already because of allegations,” Rep. Ky Holland, I-Anchorage, told Beecher on Wednesday.

A memo signed by Beecher and U.S. Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon in December calls for the state to remove voters from the active list if they are specifically identified by the federal government.  

Civil rights groups sued the state in April over the voter list issue. In June, the state filed a motion to dismiss; that motion is awaiting adjudication. 

State legislators asked Beecher on Wednesday if the latest removals were at the behest of the federal government.

No, said Beecher.

“It has nothing to do with that,” she said. “The information that we have received is specifically from DMV. Why the voter list or why the list was so large this time, we’re not completely sure… we are looking into figuring that out.”

But, she added, if the federal government were to request a removal, the state would follow the exact same procedure as it used recently.

“If we were to get information from them, we would take the same steps of moving them into inactive while we investigated,” she said.

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