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Politics

Democrats got the candidate they wanted in Mike Collins

Georgia Republicans finally have their Senate nominee. Now comes the hard part.

A bruised GOP Rep. Mike Collins (R-Ga.) will go head to head against Democratic incumbent Sen. Jon Ossoff, a prolific fundraiser who many Republicans worry will be difficult to beat this November.

While Republicans spent months turning their fire on each other, Ossoff has steadily built his campaign infrastructure — and refined his general election message.

“Anyone who’s being honest knows it’s going to be a very tough race to unseat Jon Ossoff. All the polling shows Georgia as leaning Democrat, not toss-up,” Jason Shepherd, the former Cobb County Republican chair, told POLITICO before the Tuesday result. He had supported Collins’ opponent, former football coach Derek Dooley.

Heading into the midterms, Ossoff was widely considered one of the most vulnerable Democratic candidates in a state Trump handily won in 2024. But since then, the senator has stockpiled mountains of cash, sailed through his primary unchallenged, and has positioned himself as someone who stays above the fray of partisan cable news hits.

“Ossoff is tricky, he’s good at raising money, he does not step in it,” said one senior RNC official before the runoff, granted anonymity to speak candidly about the midterm landscape.

The race is expected to be one of the most closely watched Senate contests of the cycle. Holding onto Ossoff’s seat is key to Democrats’ narrow path to winning back control of the Senate, while Republicans see flipping it as one of their best opportunities to expand their majority. The state has also become one of the country’s premier battlegrounds, serving as an early test of the forces — and people — that could shape 2028.

Several Republican strategists and operatives say that some of Collins’ hardline policy stances, plus an ongoing House ethics investigation against him, may make him vulnerable to Democrats’ attacks.

They also worry Collins has a lot of catching up to do in the money race.

Collins raised$4.9 million and had just $1.2 million in cash on hand as of May 27, according to fundraising reports. By comparison, Ossoff has raised$60 million and had $32 million left in the bank at the end of April.

“It’s a real severe uphill battle,” said one Republican operative involved in races up and down the ballot in Georgia, granted anonymity to speak candidly about the state’s marquee race.

Collins will require significant help from outside groups, the operative said, but it’s not clear how much will come: “What is the willingness to go all in for Mike Collins? Do they think he can win? Do they think they can get this done? What are those resources going to look like? Because he’s not going to fundraise — I don’t think — very well.”

Collins’ allies argue the bitter primary has prepared him for a brutal general election.

“Jon Ossoff has been, always will be, the most vulnerable Democrat up for reelection. Nobody is more battle tested than Mike Collins after this primary,” said a person close to Collins’ campaign.

Some Democrats suggest they got their preferred candidate in Collins — rather than Dooley, who had the backing of popular Republican Gov. Brian Kemp, which could have helped broaden his appeal across the state.

“Dooley is much less of a political extremist than Collins is and Collins is on the record voting directly for the policies that have devastated Georgians,” said one person aligned with a Democratic PAC involved in Senate elections, granted anonymity to speak candidly. “As for an [opposition] research perspective and in our effort to air out his dirty laundry we have a lot more ammunition with Collins.”

Even President Donald Trump, who made a last-minute endorsement for Collins ahead of Tuesday’s election, had grilled him about his strict stance on abortion, pressing him on how he could win in a general election in one of the nation’s premier swing states. Abortion has become a political vulnerability for Republicans in the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade.

Collins already appeared to soften his stance in the final stretch of the runoff. During a 2022 debate for his current House seat, Collins said, “I have always stated and I’ve always been and always will be 100 percent pro-life, period. No exceptions.” Recently on the campaign trail, he said he supports Georgia’s six-week abortion ban, which includes exceptions in cases of rape, incest or to protect the life of the mother.

Ossoff was quick to hammer Collins after his victory, tying him to Trump and assailing him as a “notorious bigot.”

“Collins, who is only a congressman because his daddy was a congressman, voted to double health insurance premiums for more than a million Georgians, for the Iran War, and for the Trump tariffs,” Ossoff said in a statement.

But Democrats know Collins still poses a real threat, even with the wind at their backs. Ossoff won by a razor-thin margin in 2020 over former Republican Sen. David Perdue — a contest that went to a runoff — and Georgia Sen. Raphael Warnock (D) won by less than 3 points over Trump-endorsed former football star Herschel Walker in 2022.

“Democrats understand that if a Herschel Walker can get to 49 percent, you know, this is still going to be a battle, and this is still going to be a fight ahead,” said Andrew Heaton, a Democratic strategist and former campaign aide for Warnock.

National Democrats say they are planning to hit Collins hard. Senate Majority PAC, the main Senate Democratic super PAC, has committed $20 million for television ads supporting the incumbent in the general.

National Republican groups have largely been waiting in the wings to get involved in Georgia, held back by Trump’s long silence on the Senate race and a messy, drawn-out primary to determine their nominee. Now, with Collins knighted as their standard bearer to lead the ticket, groups like the National Republican Senatorial Committee and the Senate Leadership Fund will face pressure to start spending — fast.

Those two leading Republican groups have already raised $1 million in a “first-of-its-kind joint fundraising operation” put aside for the Republican nominee in Georgia, POLITICO first reported. That’s in addition to the$44 million SLF already committed to Georgia’s Senate race. Collins could also receive a boost from sharing a ticket with billionaire Rick Jackson, who won the GOP gubernatorial primary Tuesday — and has already signaled plans to invest heavily across the state.

“We will have a large field team and field operation. Collins will benefit greatly,” one person familiar with Jackson’s campaign said Tuesday night, granted anonymity to discuss not-yet-finalized plans.

A second Georgia-based Republican operative said “it’s imperative” that resources start flowing to the Senate race. “The general election campaign starts right now, we don’t have a moment to lose,” the operative said just minutes after the primary was called for Collins.

Collins used his victory speech on Tuesday night to preview his attacks on Ossoff’s voting record, tying the Democrat to liberal policies unpopular with many Georgia Republicans.

“This choice in this race is crystal clear: You got a businessman who has delivered results in both the private sector and in Washington … or an out-of-touch, far left liberal who has raised your taxes, made your life more expensive, less safe, and left Georgia worse off,” he said.

How Collins handles the early days of the general election will be key to convincing the skeptics, said one Georgia-based operative unaffiliated with the Senate race, granted anonymity to discuss the landscape.

“A lot of people don’t think he’s gonna have a chance, and that may end up working to his advantage,” the operative said. “I think the race is gonna get very tight once we get into the summer and early fall, but I think that there’s going to be a lot of eyeballs to see how he performs out of the gate.”

Buoyed by the late-stage Trump endorsement, Collins emerged from the primary as the candidate carrying the MAGA mantle. He earned support from several prominent House Republicans, in addition to the powerful Club for Growth and Turning Point Action. His victory on Tuesday night underscored his strength in Georgia’s rural, heavily Republican regions.

But to compete in November, he’ll need to go beyond the MAGA base and win over Dooley’s coalition, which was built on the support of more moderate voters in the metro Atlanta area. Collins said in his victory speech Tuesday that he had spoken to both Kemp and Dooley.

“It’s an uphill battle against Senator Ossoff, but it would have been an uphill fight for anyone,” said Buzz Brockway, a GOP strategist and former state representative in Georgia. “Now Collins needs to unite the GOP behind him, which I think he can do.”

​Politics

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Politics

Robert White wins DC delegate primary

Robert White won the Washington, D.C., delegate Democratic primary, setting him up to represent the United States capital in Congress as its first new delegate in more than 35 years.

White’s victory begins a new chapter for Washington, which has been represented in the House by Democratic Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton since 1991.

He faces no major general election challengers in the deep-blue district and will ascend to a post that gives him a voice, but not a vote, to champion a city that has been roiled by President Donald Trump’s attempts to exert pressure in his second term.

White’s ascension caps off a long career for Holmes Norton — for whom he used to work. Holmes Norton was known as a behind-the-scenes operator in Congress who helped restructure Washington’s finances in the 1990s and brought major federal projects and jobs to the district. Holmes Norton’s signature project was D.C. statehood, elevating it from a Washingtonian pipe dream to a mainstream Democratic issue culminating in House passage of statehood bills in 2020 and 2021.

But Holmes Norton’s visibility and power waned in recent years, and questions about the 89-year-old’s acuity and ability to serve drew a steady stream of headlines in 2025. In October, D.C. police said that Holmes Norton was scammed out of more than $4,000, and an initial police report reportedly described her as having “early stages of dementia.”

A fifth-generation Washingtonian, White has served as an at-large member of the D.C. Council since 2016. He will be Washington’s third delegate since the position was reestablished in 1970.

White ran against primary challenger and fellow Council member Brooke Pinto on a platform focused on increasing affordability and public safety while defending the district’s autonomy — potentially setting him on a collision course with the president.

In an interview with POLITICO last week, White cast Trump’s crime crackdown in the city, including federalizing the Metropolitan Police Department and deployment of the National Guard and federal immigration agents, as “lawlessness” and “the opposite of public safety.” He also pledged to reintroduce a bill pushed for years by Holmes Norton that would grant command over the D.C. National Guard to the District’s mayor rather than the president.

The contest at times grew ugly. In April, Pinto’s campaign posted to her website a 67-page opposition research dossier about White, including information about his family and finances. White demanded Pinto withdrawal from the race, and Pinto’s campaign replaced the file with a new version that omitted information about White’s family, to whom Pinto apologized.

​Politics

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Entertainment

Why Miller Lite Beer Is Spelled Like That

Obviously, the name Miller Lite appears to be light on consonants. Have you ever wondered why the company didn’t go with a more common spelling?

​Mashed – Fast Food, Celebrity Chefs, Grocery, Reviews

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Entertainment

Jelly Roll’s Daughter Bailee Breaks Silence on Bunnie Xo Divorce

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Jelly Roll Returns to Stage After Bunnie Xo Breakup

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Politics

Billionaire Rick Jackson defeats Trump-backed Burt Jones in Georgia governor race

Republicans in Georgia just proved that one thing can overcome the power of President Donald Trump’s endorsement: an endless stream of cash.

Health care executive Rick Jackson defeated Trump-backed Lt. Gov. Burt Jones in Georgia’s GOP gubernatorial primary Tuesday, with the help of over $100 million of his personal wealth.

Jones’ loss is a major upset for the president in a marquee battleground state, and it follows several high-profile Trump losses in 2022, when his candidates either lost their primaries or the general election. The result is also a rare blunder for Republican Gov. Brian Kemp, who joined Trump in endorsing Jones to be his successor ahead of Tuesday’s primary, after months of sitting on the sidelines of the race.

Remarkably, neither Trump’s nor Kemp’s widespread influence could overcome the blunt force of Jackson’s spending.

Jackson, for his part, had amassed his own support from notable figures within Georgia and beyond. His former rival Attorney General Chris Carr backed the billionaire’s campaign shortly after coming in last place in May’s primary. And two Republican senators — Ted Cruz of Texas and Rick Scott of Florida — endorsed his campaign ahead of the runoff. Cruz went as far to rally with Jackson on the eve of the runoff.

Jackson’s record-breaking spending dominated races in Georgia far beyond just the contest for governor. GOP strategists said his billions in ad spending sucked up all the political oxygen, making it more difficult for other Republicans up and down the ballot to break through in their own races.

In November, he will face Democrat and former Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms, who has already kicked off her general election bid alongside Sen. Jon Ossoff.

Jackson, a Georgia native septuagenarian who often shares his story of drifting through the foster care system as a child, amassed his fortune in the health care industry. His successful bid for the GOP nomination is his first run for public office.

Over the course of the primary, Jackson faced a series of attacks from the most conservative members of Georgia’s GOP for not being sufficiently pro-Trump, primarily because he had previously donated to former Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.). He later donated $1 million to one of the president’s main super PACs — but only after Trump had won the 2024 election.

Still, Jackson refashioned himself as a Trump acolyte during his campaign, often telling voters he would be the president’s “favorite governor” and questioning the veracity of Georgia’s 2020 thoroughly litigated election results.

​Politics

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Entertainment

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Alaska News

Natural gas pipeline tax break lacks needed Senate votes, Alaska lawmakers say

Members of the Alaska Senate's bipartisan majority talk during a break in the Senate Finance Committee meeting on the afternoon of Tuesday, June 16, 2026. (James Brooks photo/Alaska Beacon)

Members of the Alaska Senate’s bipartisan majority talk during a break in the Senate Finance Committee meeting on the afternoon of Tuesday, June 16, 2026. (James Brooks photo/Alaska Beacon)

Members of the Alaska Senate’s majority coalition said on Tuesday that a tax break for the proposed trans-Alaska natural gas pipeline currently lacks the votes to advance in the Senate. 

Because lawmakers are meeting in a special session that ends on Friday, even a short delay could kill the bill containing the tax break. Gov. Mike Dunleavy could also call legislators back into another special session on the issue.

The Senate is led by a 14-person coalition of Republicans and Democrats. An internal rule states that 11 of the coalition’s members must agree before a bill comes to the floor.

“We are not to the point of having 11 votes to get to the floor yet,” said Sen. Jesse Kiehl, D-Juneau.

On Tuesday evening, members of the Senate majority coalition met behind closed doors to discuss their next steps. 

Senate President Gary Stevens, R-Kodiak, said that while some members of the majority are willing to support the bill as currently written, others are asking for significant amendments.

Sen. Bill Wielechowski, D-Anchorage and a noted critic of the bill, said he sees several points of contention, including basic things like the length and size of the proposed tax break.

The Senate Finance Committee, which is hearing the bill, could amend it to win over some reluctant senators, but that runs the risk of making the bill unacceptable to Glenfarne, the pipeline project’s lead developer.

Glenfarne officials have said that a tax break is necessary for it to obtain the financing for a project that it publicly expects to cost as much as $54.5 billion.

On Friday, the Alaska House voted 34-5 to replace the state’s 2% petroleum property tax for 30 years with a smaller tax on gas sent through the pipeline. 

Speaking to the Senate Finance Committee on Tuesday morning, Glenfarne Alaska President Adam Prestidge warned senators to not shorten the terms of that tax break. 

“If there were to be a shorter-term abatement that then ended and reverted back to 20 mills, it would severely challenge the economics of the project,” he said.

Under current laws, according to an analysis by the Alaska Department of Revenue, the state of Alaska would net $29.7 billion through 2062 if the gas pipeline and supporting infrastructure are built as planned. Boroughs along the route would share another $17.3 billion.

Under the House-passed bill, the state’s take drops to $23.4 billion, a decline of $6.3 billion. Boroughs’ share of the revenue drops to $7.5 billion, a drop of $9.8 billion.

Stevens said he doesn’t expect the bill to advance from the Senate Finance Committee to a vote of the full Senate before noon Thursday, the penultimate day of the special session.

On Tuesday evening, the committee scheduled a hearing for Thursday afternoon.

Senate Finance co-chair Lyman Hoffman, D-Bethel, said noon Thursday is “probably the earliest” time a bill could advance from the Finance Committee to the full Senate.

That’s a challenging timeline, said Sen. Forrest Dunbar, D-Anchorage, because lawmakers outside the finance committee can’t begin writing proposed amendments until they see what the finance committee does with the bill.

Dunbar said he doesn’t think the bill does enough to guarantee that the state’s oil revenue — the No. 2 source of general-purpose money for services and the Permanent Fund dividend — would be held harmless if the pipeline is built.

“I think the current version of the bill does not protect Alaska’s financial interests enough to get to the floor,” he said.

Sen. Jesse Bjorkman, R-Nikiski, is a member of the majority and generally supports the House-passed bill but thinks it needs some technical changes. 

He’s not certain whether the majority will hold to the 11-vote rule. 

If the 11-vote rule becomes a permanent obstacle, legislators who support the tax break could try to bring the bill to the floor for a vote with procedural motions. That would involve members of the majority cooperating with the six Republican members of the Senate’s all-Republican minority coalition, which has generally been supportive of the House bill. 

If the bill advances to the floor and all six minority senators vote for the bill, only five majority senators would need to vote for it in order for it to pass.

Dunbar cautioned against that kind of maneuver, saying it could harm relationships between senators.

“It would make organizing another bipartisan majority less likely next year,” he said.

Gov. Mike Dunleavy has previously expressed support for Glenfarne’s positions. Thursday is the deadline for the governor to decide whether or not to veto several bills unassociated with the pipeline project.

Stevens declined to answer questions asking whether the governor’s actions on those bills could affect the majority’s decision on the pipeline project.

“Hopefully the governor’s getting the message that we want to see very few vetoes,” Stevens said.

The leaders of the House and Senate are tentatively planning a joint session on Friday morning to take up any veto overrides that lawmakers want to bring forward.

Sen. Scott Kawasaki, D-Fairbanks and a supporter of the pipeline, said no senator is explicitly saying that they will vote for the pipeline tax break if the governor allows their other bills to become law.

Still, there’s an implication in the Senate’s actions.

“Folks need to realize that if you want goodwill, you don’t veto everything that’s on the governor’s desk,” Kawasaki said.

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